Svazilend yangiliklari - tarix

Svazilend yangiliklari - tarix



Svazilend yangiliklari

SHVAZIYA

Yangiliklarda


Svazilend malikalari kimlar?

Svazilend qirolining 14 ta xotini bor. Bu ayollar kimlar? Ular niqob kiygan gender tengligi faollari yoki shunchaki baxtli turmush qurgan an'anaviy an'anachilarmi? Malika bilan tanishing.

Svazilend qiroli Msvati III, etakchi sifatidagi faraziy fazilatlari bilan emas, balki o'zining haddan tashqari haddan oshishi bilan tanilgan, ta'rifiga ko'ra, demokratiyaga alerjisi bor. 46 yoshli monarx o'zining 28 yil davomida iqtisodiy halokat yoqasida joylashgan, dengizga chiqa olmaydigan kichik xalqi ustidan hukmronlik qildi: svazilarning 40 foizi ishsiz, bu mamlakatda aholi jon boshiga to'g'ri keladigan OIV infektsiyasi darajasi va umr ko'rish davomiyligi 46 yil - dunyodagi eng past ko'rsatkichlar orasida.

Svazilend qiroli Msvati III (chapda) va uning 14 xotinlaridan biri Kolombo shahridagi Katunayake xalqaro aeroportiga kelganidan so'ng samolyotdan tushishdi, 2012 yil 13 avgust. Foto: Reuters

Qirolning qimmatbaho mashinalari (Mercedes va BMW rusumli avtomobillar parklari, hech bo'lmaganda bitta Rolls Royce va 500 ming dollarlik Daimler Chrysler flagmani Maybach 62) va xususiy samolyot narxini hisobga olsak, bu statistik ma'lumotlar chindan ham achinarli. (17 million dollar) yolg'iz, monarx o'z mamlakatidagi har bir bolani maktabga qo'yib, sog'lig'ini davolay oladi. Adolat uchun, boshlang'ich maktab ta'limi hisoblanadi Svazilendda bepul, garchi uni saqlash qiyin bo'lsa ham. Ammo yaqinda qirol yillik uy xo'jalik byudjetini 61 million dollarga ko'targan bo'lsa, qirol fuqarolarining 70 foizi kuniga 2 dollardan kam daromad olishi kerak edi.

13 ta saroy, oddiy svazi orzularidan tashqaridagi boyliklar (qirol o'zining shaxsiy boyligi sifatida tez-tez tilga olinadigan 200 million dollarga bahslashadi), saroy xizmatchilari va ajoyib haram bilan hech kim qirolni qanday g'amxo'rlik qilishni bilmaslikda ayblay olmaydi. 1. Lekin endi bu haramga e'tibor qaratsak.

Sevimli podshoh har yili yangi xotin tanlashi kerak bo'lgan an'anaviy qamish marosimini o'tkazishda juda mashhur. Uning hozirda 14 yoshi bor, va jinsi tenglik davrida ko'pxotinlilik bilan hech qanday muammoga duch kelmaganlar, bu narsadan voz kechishi mumkin, ammo o'rtacha svazi bilan qanchalik aloqasi yo'qligini bilgan holda, bunday haramni saqlash xarajatlaridan voz kechish qiyinroq.

Oldingi Svazilend malikalaridan farqli o'laroq, ular jamoat hayotidan qochishadi va kamtarona yashashadi - bizning zamonaviy svazilarimiz jamoat xazinasidan katta yashashni yaxshi ko'radilar. (Menimcha, bundan ham yomoni, podshohning 70 xotini bor edi.)

Bu ayollar kimlar? Keling, bilib olaylik.

Rasmiy xotin №1 va #8211 Inxosikati (qirolicha) LaMatsebula: "Buyuk xotin"

1 -marosim xotini: Inxosikati LaMatsebula. Manba: Pinterest

Qirolicha LaMatsebula qirolning birinchi xotinini tayinlagan milliy maslahatchilarning barcha talablarini bajardi. Svazi qirolining birinchi xotini singari, "Buyuk xotin" ham Matsebula klanining a'zosi. U yaxshi xulqli va yaxshi oiladan bo'lishi kerak. U marosimlarda maxsus funktsiyalarni bajaradi. Biroq, urf -odatlar taqiqlaganidek, uning o'g'li hech qachon podshohlikni da'vo qila olmaydi.

UNISA bitiruvchisi o'z diplomini olganidan so'ng, u psixologiyani o'rganganini aytdi, chunki malika sifatida ko'p odamlar bilan yaqindan ishlash kerak edi, u ochiq ongni saqlash va uchrashadigan odamlarni yaxshiroq tushunish uchun kerakli bilimlarni olishi kerak edi.

2 -marosim xotini: Inxosikati LaMotsa: "La Madone"

2 -marosim xotini: Inxosikati LaMotsa. Manba: kuzatuvchi

Qirolicha LaMotsa, to'rt va ikkinchi marosim xotinining onasi (shuningdek, milliy kengash tomonidan shoh uchun tanlangan), Malkerns, Svazilenddagi Sent -Annes qizlar maktabining homiysi. U, shuningdek, faol notiq va 1996 yildan beri Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Taraqqiyot Dasturi (BMTTD) yaxshi niyat elchisi.

3 -xotin: Inxosikati LaMbikiza, asli Sibonelo Mngomezulu: "Xushxabar xonandasi" (Tug'ilgan: 1969. Uylangan: 1986)

3 -xotin: Inxosikati LaMbikiza. Foto: Mark Ralston/AFP/Getty Images

Qirol Inxosikati LaMbikiza, qirol Msvati III ning uchinchi xotini va shaxsan o'zi tanlagan shoh, Janubiy Afrikada joylashgan Lusito xayriya tashkilotining asoschisi, uning maqsadi kam ta'minlanganlarga moliyaviy yordam ko'rsatishdir. U, shuningdek, OIVga qarshi kurash bo'yicha Svazi qirollik tashabbusi (RICH) direktori.

Bir qator ijtimoiy va professional yutuqlarga ega bo'lgan, UNISA huquqshunoslik bo'yicha taniqli va aniq ifodalangan bitiruvchisi xristianlik, sog'liq, OITSning oldini olish va davolash, qashshoqlikni kamaytirish, onalar o'limini kamaytirish va boshqa ko'p narsalarni himoya qiladi. Diniy jihatdan u xushxabar albomini yozgan birinchi svazi malikasi va qirolga uylanganidan keyin o'qishni davom ettirgan birinchi ayol.

Qirolicha Inxosikati LaMbikiza - qirolning to'ng'ich qizining onasi, mashhur qo'shiqchi/rapchi malika Sixanyiso Dlamini, musiqiy mukofoti. Assalomu alaykum bu erda chidash kerak.

Malika, shuningdek, qirollik turmush tarzini tushuntiradi Shohsiz, Svazilendning qashshoqlik va boylik o'rtasidagi ziddiyatli qarama -qarshiligi haqida mustahkam hujjatli film.

4 -xotin: Inxosikati LaNgangaza, asli Kerol Dlamini: "Advokat" (Uylangan: 1987)

4 -xotin: Inxosikati LaNgangaza qizi bilan

Huquq fakultetini bitirgan qirolicha LaNgangaza, Svazilend gospitisining uyida (bir paytlar malika Diana boshchilik qilgan) va Fundzis ’ Umtfwana tashkilotining homiysi bo'lib, ta'limni birinchi o'ringa qo'yadi.

Ogohlantirish kampaniyalari orqali qirolicha LaNgangaza o'z xalqiga sog'lik, go'zallik, madaniyat, ta'lim va boshqalarga, shu jumladan qariyalar va jamiyat pariahlariga g'amxo'rlik qilish zarurligi haqida murojaat qiladi.

2012 yilda u Svazi hukumati rad etgan Las-Vegasdagi ko'p millionli Rand xaridlari va ta'tillari haqidagi janjalga aralashgan uchta xotindan biri edi.

5 -xotin: Inxosikati LaHvala, qizi Putsoana Xvala: "Qidirilganlar" (Tug'ilgan yili: 1974)

5 -xotin: Inxosikati LaHwala, o'ngdan ikkinchi, oldingi qator, Manzini shahrida bo'lib o'tgan xalqaro savdo yarmarkasida, Svazilend, 1 -noyabr, 2002 -yil. Foto: AP

Uch bolasini tashlab, Putsoana Xvala 2004 yilda qirollik hayotidan Janubiy Afrikaga qochib, xavfsizlik agentlari tomonidan aniqlanmasligi uchun Janubiy Afrika pasportidan foydalangan. Biroq, u hali ham qirolga uylangan.

6 -xotin: Inxosikati LaMagvaza, qizi Delisa Magvaza: "Rassom" (Tug'ilgan: 1974. Uylangan: 1993)

6 -xotin: Inxosikati LaMagvaza (l) golf aravasida sayr qilishni yaxshi ko'radi.

"Xavfsiz onalik" ning sobiq homiysi, san'at ixlosmandlari Delisa 2004 yilda bosh aktrisa bo'lgan jinsiy janjal avjiga chiqqanida qirolni tark etgan.

U 23 yoshli janubiy afrikalik Lizo Shabangu bilan aloqada bo'lganlikda ayblangan. Aytishlaricha, munosabatlar Souetan Delisa bilan qochish istagini bildirganida to'xtatilgan. Biroq, u qochish rejasini o'zi ishlab chiqqan va hozirda uning farzandi bo'lgan Janubiy Afrikalik biznes -magnatga uylanganidan keyin boy hayot kechirayotgani haqida xabar berilgan.

7-xotin: Inxosikati LaMasango, ne Senteni Masango: "Maktabni tashlab ketish" (Tug'ilgan yili: 1981. Uylangan: 2000)

7 -xotin: Inxosikati LaMasango. Manba: BBC News

Qirol Msvati III 7-chi kelinini yashirincha tanlaganida, Tayms Svazilend LaMasangoni maktabni mas'uliyatsiz qoldirgan deb ataganida, u ikki xil maktabda intizomsizligi va darsga kelmaganligi uchun chetlatilganini aytib, qirollik tuklarini silkitib yubordi. The New York Times keyinchalik xabar berilishicha, gazetaning yakshanba kuni tahrir qilinadigan muharriri Bxeki Maxubu hibsga olingan, tuhmatda ayblanib, iste'foga ketishga majbur bo'lgan. O'shandan beri LaMasango rasm chizish bilan shug'ullanadi, xayriya ishlariga mablag 'yig'ish uchun o'z ishining auktsionlarini o'tkazadi.

8 -xotin: Inxosikati LaGija, asli Angela Dlamini: "Qochgan turmush o'rtog'i" (Tug'ilgan: 1979. Uylangan: 2002)

8 -xotin: Inxosikati LaGija. Manba: Destiny Connect

Svazilend sovun operasi qirolning 8 -xotini LaGija bilan davom etmoqda va u 2012 yil may oyida bo'shab qolgan qirollik binosini tark etdi.

LaGija qizini tashlab Janubiy Afrikaga qochib ketdi. Svazilend birdamlik tarmog'i (SSN) "u erining uzoq yillik hissiy va jismoniy zo'ravonligini uning ketishining sababi sifatida ko'rsatib qo'ydi", deb aytdi.

9 -xotin: Inxosikati LaMagongo, nets Nontsetselo Magongo: "Sevimli" (Tug'ilgan yili: 1985. Uylangan: 2002)

9 -xotin: Inxosikati LaMagongo, o'ng tomonda. Manba: Yangi Janubiy Uels hukumati

Qirolning eng sevimlilaridan biri, LaMagongo o'rta maktabda juda sportchi bo'lgan. U, shuningdek, o'zining namunali intizomi va Talabalarning Xristianlar Stipendiyasiga (SCM) qatnashgani bilan yaxshi esda qoladi.

Bilan suhbatda Guardian 2004 yilda u OIV shoh doirasiga kirishi mumkinligini tan oldi, lekin u Xudoga va eriga ishongani uchun qolishini aytdi. “ Men yoshman, u qarib qoldi, men o'z tashvishlarimni ko'tara olmayman. Agar men qo'rquv bilan yashasam, ishonch boshqa bo'lmaydi. ”

10 -xotin: Inxosikati LaMahlangu, Zena Soraya Mahlangu: "Qochib keta olmaydigan kishi" (Tug'ilgan yili: 1984. Uylangan: 2002)

10 -xotin: Inxosikati LaMahlangu. Foto: Reuters

Qirolicha Mahlangu qirolning 10 -xotini bo'lish uchun qirol yordamchilari tomonidan o'g'irlab ketilgani bilan mashhur.

Xalqaro Amnistiya hisobotiga ko'ra (30-betga qarang), o'n sakkiz yoshli o'rta maktab o'quvchisi Zena Mahlangu "2002 yil 9 oktyabrda o'z maktabidan g'oyib bo'ldi. Onasi Lindiwe Dlamini qizini olib ketganini bilib qoldi. ikki kishi, Qetuka Sgombeni Dlamini va Tulujani Sixondze, Ludzidzinidagi Qirollik saroyida saqlanar edi. 10 oktyabrda u bu haqda politsiyaga xabar bergan, lekin u ulardan boshqa hech narsa eshitmagan. Ertasi kuni ikki erkak uning uyiga kelib, qizining Qirollik saroyida ekanligini va unga "qirollik vazifalari" topshirilganini aytishdi. Ular shunday xulosaga kelishdi: "Qirol va uning agentlari ayollar va qizlarning xalqaro e'tirof etilgan inson huquqlarini, shu jumladan o'zboshimchalik bilan hibsga olinmaslik va majburiy nikohga tortilmaslik huquqlarini buzishdi".

Uning onasi qirollik sudini sudga berdi, lekin Svazilendning qonun tizimi bu ishda adolatni ta'minlamasligi kerak edi. Quelle ajablanib.

Achchiq intervyusida, baxtsiz ona o'z iste'fosini tasvirlab berdi: "Zenani qo'yib yubormasligini bilganimda, men uni sevamanmi yoki yo'qmi deb so'rashning ma'nosi yo'qligini bilardim. Bu adolatli bo'lmaydi. O'ylaymanki, barcha qizlar, shoh birinchi marta tanlaganlarida, o'zlarini qanday his qilayotganlarini bila olmaydi. Bu erda boshqa tanlov yo'q. Agar podshoh sizni yaxshi ko'rsa, bu ’

Xotin #11: Inxosikati LaNtentesa, Noliqxva Ayanda Ntentesa: "Tuzatuvchi" (Tug'ilgan yili: 1981. Uylangan: 2005)

Xotin #11: Inxosikati LaNtentesa. Manba: Flickr

2002 yilda shug'ullangan Inxosikati LaNtentesa 2005 yilda Ludzidzini Royal Residence -da bo'lib o'tgan an'anaviy tadbirda turmushga chiqdi. U Cheshire Homes Svazilendning homiysi, Matsapha shahrida joylashgan reabilitatsiya markazi va Leonard Cheshire International kompaniyasining filiali. dunyoning 50 dan ortiq mamlakatlari.

12-xotin: Inxosikati LaDube, neothando dube: "Ikki sotuvchi" (Tug'ilgan: 1987. Uylangan: 2005)

12 -xotin: Inxosikati LaDube

Msvati III ning 12 -rafiqasi Inxosikati LaDube, 2010 yilda Svazilend adliya vaziri Ndumiso Mamba bilan aloqada bo'lganidan keyin qirolning onasining uyida uy qamog'iga (umrbod) qamoqqa olindi, keyin ishdan bo'shatildi va qamoqqa tashlandi. "Politsiya, Svazining ma'muriy poytaxti Mbabane chetidagi saroydan atigi etti chaqirim narida joylashgan" Royal Villas "eksklyuziv mehmonxonasiga bostirib kirdi va janob Mamba qirolichaning ikki kishilik karavoti ostida yashiringanini aniqladi. Kundalik pochta.

Agar sobiq yosh o'smir Svazilend bizni ko'pxotinli munosabatlar faqat barcha partiyalar teng imtiyozlarga ega bo'lgandagina ishlashini ko'rishga harakat qilsa, unga harakat qilish uchun A berish kerak! Afsuski, LaDubega 2011 yil noyabr oyida qirollik oilasini tark etishga buyruq berildi.

Xotin #13: Inxosikati LaNkambule, nee Phindile Nkambule: "Yoshlar va bezovtalanuvchilar" (Tug'ilgan: 1990. Uylangan: 2007)

Xotin #13: Inxosikati LaNkambule. Manba: kuzatuvchi

Qirolning qiziqishini qozonish uchun 10 ming ayol musobaqasida maftunkor teleboshlovchi va Miss Svazilendni mag'lub etgan Inxosikati LaNkambule 17 yoshida qamish raqs marosimida tanlangan. Uning nomzodi Msvati o'zi belgilagan qoidalarga zid bo'lib, svazi ayollarini taqiqlagan. 18 yoshga to'lgunga qadar uylanish, lekin menimcha, bu shoh uchun bir qoida va uning bo'ysunuvchilari uchun boshqa qoida, chunki "8220umchwasho" qoidasini buzgan har qanday odam yo sigir kabi hayvonga jarima soladi yoki taxminan 160 AQSh dollari miqdorida jarima to'lashi shart.

Xotin #14: Sindisva Dlamini, "Lipxovela" (Tug'ilgan yili: 1995. Uylangan: 2013)

Xotin #14: Sindisva Dlamini. Manba: kuzatuvchi

Qizil tuklar va katta marjon bilan bezatilgan an'anaviy matoga o'ralgan, yalang'och ko'krakli o'smir xuddi Simvani Msvati III ning 14-xotini qilib tanlagan.

"Miss madaniy meros" tanlovining finalchisi, 18 yoshli mahalliy go'zallik tanlovi ishtirokchisi Sindisva Dlamini endigina Mbabane va#8217s Sent-Frensis nomli diniy maktabini tugatgan edi (bir yil oldin). Marosim Svazilend markazida bo'lib o'tdi va shoh, shubhasiz, Janubiy Afrika taraqqiyot hamjamiyatining saylov kuzatuvchilarini chalg'itishga muvaffaq bo'ldi.

Svazilenddagi ommaviy axborot vositalari senzurasi shohning xotinlariga nisbatan faoliyati haqida xabar berishga kelganda, ehtimol siz hozir oddiy qirol mavzusiga qaraganda yaxshiroq ma'lumotga egasiz.

Bu ayollarmi:

a) Afrikaning o'zgaruvchan yuzidagi siğillar, bu erda onalar va qizlar namunali bo'lishi kerakmi?
b) Shohlik milliy o'ziga xoslik ustuni bo'lgan mamlakatda o'z burchini nafis va aqlli bajaradigan hurmatli an'anaviy ayollar?
v) kulgili va kulgili masalalarga diqqatni yo'naltirish san'ati ustalari, shunda soyali biznes soyada sezilmasdan davom etishi mumkin.
d) Svazi ayollari uchun gender tengligi faollari, uzoq vaqt tadbirkor va birinchi darajali fuqaro sifatida rivojlanish imkoniyatidan mahrum bo'lganmi?
e) Oddiy ayollar, ular boshqacha hayot kechirishni afzal ko'rishadi, lekin o'z taqdirlariga bo'ysunishdan boshqa chorasi yo'qmi?
f) Baxtli turmush qurgan ayollar, o'z erini hech kim tasavvur qila olmaydigan darajada sevadilar, shu jumladan men ham?

Bu ayollar prokurorlarmi, an'anaviylarmi, qurbonlarmi, namuna yoki jinoyat guvohimi? Balki, hatto gapira olmaydiganlar uchun ovozlar?


Tarix va etnik munosabatlar

Millatning paydo bo'lishi. XV asrda Sharqiy Afrikada paydo bo'lgan Nguni klanlari janubiy Mozambikka, so'ngra hozirgi Svazilendga ko'chib o'tishgan. abakwaNgwane ("Ngvan xalqi") hali ham muqobil sifatida ishlatiladi emaSvati . Sobhuza I Shaka davrida Zulu davlatining kengayishi natijasida yuzaga kelgan betartiblik davrida hukmronlik qildi. Sobhuza boshchiligida nguni va soto xalqlari, shuningdek, qolgan San guruhlari svazi millatiga birlashtirildi. Oxir -oqibat "svazi" Ngvenyamaga sodiqlik ko'rsatgan barcha xalqlarga qo'llanildi.

Milliy o'ziga xoslik. 1830 -yillarning oxirida dastlabki aloqa svazi, bur va inglizlar o'rtasida paydo bo'ldi. Svazi hududining katta qismi Evropa manfaatlariga berilgan birinchi imtiyozlardan birinchisi Transvaal Boersga berildi. 1881 yilda Transvaalni joylashtirish bo'yicha Pretoriya konventsiyasi Svazilendning mustaqilligini tan oldi va uning chegaralarini aniqladi. Ngvenyama imzo chekmagan va svazilar ularning hududi hozirgi holatdan hamma tomonga cho'zilgan deb da'vo qiladilar. Bir milliondan ortiq etnik svazi Janubiy Afrikada istiqomat qiladi. Britaniya 1903 yilda Svazilend ustidan hokimiyatni talab qildi va mustaqillikka 1968 yilda erishildi.

Etnik munosabatlar. Svazi xalqlari o'rtasidagi munosabatlar odatda tinch edi. Evropaliklar bilan munosabatlar tarixan Buyuk Britaniyaning ma'muriy hukmronligi tufayli yuzaga kelgan er imtiyozlari va keskinlik natijasida keskinlashdi.


Tarkibi

Msvati III - oldingi podshoh Sobxuza II (82 yil hukmronligi davrida 125 dan ortiq xotini bo'lgan) [7] tomonidan tug'ilgan ko'p o'g'illardan biri, [7] va Ntfombi Tfvalaning yagona farzandi. Inxosikati LaTfwala, Sobhuzaning yosh xotinlaridan biri. U Esvatini Buyuk Britaniyadan mustaqillikka erishishdan to'rt oy oldin Manzinidagi Raleigh Fitkin nomidagi kasalxonada tug'ilgan. U va onasi kasalxonadan chiqarilgach, ular Masundvini qirollik qarorgohi yaqinidagi Sobxuzaning qarorgohlaridan birida - Etjenida yashashga ketishdi. Uning tug'ilgan ismi Maxosetive (o'sha yili Mustaqillik tantanalari uchun eSvatiniga tashrif buyurgan davlat rahbarlari nazarda tutilgan "Millatlar qirollari") va uning ukalari va opa-singillari Janubiy Afrika Zulusining bo'lajak malikasi Mantfombi edi.

Maxosetive yosh shahzoda sifatida Masundvini boshlang'ich maktabida, keyinroq Lozitsa saroyi maktabida o'qigan. 1982 yil dekabr oyida Phondo Royal Residence -da Svazilend boshlang'ich sertifikatiga imtihon topshirdi va matematika va ingliz tili bo'yicha birinchi darajali diplom oldi. U qirol qo'riqchisiga katta qiziqish uyg'otdi va Umbutfo Svazilend mudofaa kuchlariga (USDF) qo'shilgan birinchi yosh kursant bo'ldi.

Qirol Sobxuza II 1982 yil 21 -avgustda vafot etganida, Buyuk Davlat Kengashi ( Liqoqo) keyingi qirol bo'lish uchun 14 yoshli knyaz Maxosetiveni tanladi. [8] Keyingi to'rt yil mobaynida Sobhuza II ning ikki xotini, qirolicha Deliv Shongve (1982–1983) va qirolicha Ntfombi Tfvala (1983–1986), Buyuk Britaniyada o'qishni davom ettirib, Sherborn maktabida (Xalqaro Kollej), u taxtga o'tirishga chaqirilishidan oldin.

Msvati 1983 yil sentyabr oyida valiahd shahzoda sifatida tanishtirildi va 1986 yil 25 aprelda 18 yoshu 6 kunlik taxtga o'tirdi va shu tariqa 2006 yil 14 dekabrda Butan qiroli Jigme Xesar Namgyel Vangchuk taxtga ko'tarilgunga qadar eng yosh podshoh bo'ldi. Jozef Kabila 2001 yil 26 yanvarda Kongo Demokratik Respublikasi Prezidenti lavozimiga kirgunga qadar eng yosh davlat rahbari. Podshoh va uning onasi, unvoni Indlovukati ("Buyuk u fil"), birgalikda hukmronlik qiling.

Bugun qirol Msvati III Afrikaning oxirgi mutlaq monarxi, chunki u bosh vazirni, hukumatning boshqa yuqori lavozimlarini va an'anaviy an'anaviy lavozimlarni tanlash huquqiga ega. Uchrashuvlarni tayinlaganiga qaramay, u hali ham malika onasi va kengashidan maxsus maslahat olishi kerak, masalan, u bosh vazirni tanlaganida. Vazirlar mahkamasini tayinlash masalasida u bosh vazirdan maslahat oladi. U farmon bilan hukmronlik qildi, lekin hokimiyat kontsentratsiyasi qirolda qolishi uchun otasi tarqatib yuborgan parlamentni tikladi.

2004 yilda Msvati ommaviy axborot vositalari va jamoatchilik uchun so'z va yig'ilish erkinligini ta'minlaydigan yangi konstitutsiyani e'lon qildi. Tinkhundla tizim. Xalqaro Amnistiya tashkiloti yangi konstitutsiyani ba'zi jihatlardan etarli emas deb tanqid qildi.

2001 yilda OIV va OITS pandemiyasini yumshatish maqsadida qirol o'zining an'anaviy vakolatlaridan foydalanib, poklik marosimini o'tkazdi.umwwasho) malika homiyligida, barcha svazi qizlarini besh yil davomida jinsiy aloqadan voz kechishga undagan. Bu oxirgi marta Sobhuza II davrida 1971 yilda qilingan. [9] Bu marosim 2001 yil 9 sentyabr va 2005 yil 19 avgustdan 18 yoshgacha bo'lgan svazilar uchun jinsiy aloqani man qildi, lekin taqiq qo'yilganidan atigi ikki oy o'tgach, u 17 yoshida bu farmonni buzdi. -yoshda lifovela (Qirollik kelini) tanlandi, [10] uning 13 -xotini bo'ldi. Odatiga ko'ra, unga polk a'zolari sigirni jarimaga tortishdi va uni to'lashdi.

Msvati Tayvanga 2018 yil iyun oyiga qadar o'n etti marta tashrif buyurgan va Xitoy Xalq Respublikasi o'rniga Tayvanni tan olishni davom ettirishga va'da bergan. [11]

Msvati 2021 yil yanvar oyida koronavirusli 2019 (COVID-19) kasalligiga chalingan va keyinchalik Tayvanga shifo topishiga yordam beradigan antiviral preparatlar bergani uchun minnatdorchilik bildirgan. Msvati shifo topgach, shifoxonaga yotqizilganini oshkor qilmadi. [12]

Qirolning hozirda 15 xotini va 23 farzandi bor. Svazi qirolining birinchi ikkita xotini unga milliy maslahatchilar tomonidan tanlanadi. Vorislik haqida murakkab qoidalar mavjud. An'anaga ko'ra, shoh onasi orqali svazilarning so'zlarida tanlangan Inxosi, yinxosi ngenina"podshoh onasi orqali shohdir" degan ma'noni anglatadi. [13] An'anaga ko'ra, u merosxo'rlarga bardosh bera olishini isbotlab, kelinlariga faqat homilador bo'lganidan keyin uylanishi mumkin. Shu paytgacha ular shunday nomlangan lifovelayoki "kanizaklar".

Msvati hukmronligi hukumat va siyosiy o'zgarishlarga ba'zi o'zgarishlar kiritdi. Biroq, Xalq birlashgan demokratik harakati (PUDEMO) [14] kabi tanqidchilar bu o'zgarishlar faqat an'anaviy tartibni mustahkamlash va davom ettirishga qaratilgan deb hisoblaydilar. [15] Uning 2012 yil may oyida Qirolicha Yelizaveta II ning olmos yubileyini nishonlash uchun suveren monarxlar tushligiga qatnashgani, uning rejimining inson huquqlari holatini tanqid qilgani uchun, ba'zi bahslarga sabab bo'ldi. [16]

Esvatini ko'p yillik moliyaviy intizom, hukumatning korruptsiyasi va qirol oilasining dabdabali turmush tarzi bilan bog'liq edi. Bu omillar tufayli xalq iqtisodiy falokat yoqasida turgani ham tasvirlangan. Svazi qonunlari va odatlariga ko'ra, qirolga deyarli barcha davlat vakolatlari berilgan. Esvatini bosh vazir bo'lganiga qaramay, Msvati qonun chiqaruvchi va sudlar ustidan yuqori ijroiya hokimiyatiga ega. [17]

Msvati hukmronligi bir necha bor inson huquqlari buzilishi uchun tanqid qilingan. Uning rejimi ko'pchilikni nazorat qilish uchun qiynoq va haddan tashqari kuch ishlatganlikda, shuningdek, har xil muxolif guruhlarga nisbatan ochiq kamsitishda ayblangan. Uning rejimi o'z kuchlari tomonidan o'zboshimchalik bilan hibsga olish, hibsga olish, uylar va mulkni asossiz ravishda tintuv qilish va tortib olish bilan bir qatorda sud tomonidan o'ldirilmaslikda ayblangan. Uning hukumati so'z, yig'ilish va uyushish erkinligini cheklab, faollar va jurnalistlarni ta'qib qilgan. Ma'lum qilinishicha, hukumat boshqa guruhlar qatorida bolalar mehnatiga qarshi LGBT hamjamiyati, mehnat rahbarlari va faollarni nishonga olgan. Sudlar Msvati harakatlarini yoki qonunbuzarliklarni sodir etgan amaldorlarni jazolash uchun deyarli hech qanday chora ko'rmagan. [18]

U uylanmoqchi bo'lgan ayollarni o'g'irlashda ayblanmoqda, garchi unga qarshi hech qanday ish ochilmasa. Bundan tashqari, 2000 yilda u OIV bilan kasallangan odamlarni "sterilizatsiya qilish va markalash" kerakligini muhokama qilish uchun parlament yig'ilishini chaqirgan. [19]

Boylik tahriri

Msvati o'zining dabdabali hayot tarzi uchun tanqid qilindi, ayniqsa ommaviy axborot vositalarida u o'z xalqi och qolganda hashamatli hayot kechirganlikda ayblandi. [20] [21] 2014 yilgi milliy byudjetda parlament qirolning yillik oilaviy byudjeti uchun 61 million dollar (AQSh) ajratdi, [22] svazilarning 63 foizi kuniga 1,25 dollardan kam yashaydi. [23] Uning qimmatbaho mashinalarni, jumladan, 500 ming dollarlik DaimlerChrysler kompaniyasining flagmani Maybach 62 hashamatli avtomobilini sotib olgani tanqid qilinganidan so'ng, u o'z mashinalarini suratga olishni taqiqladi. [24] Forbes 2009 yilgi dunyodagi eng boy 15 ta royallar ro'yxatiga ko'ra, qirol Msvati 200 million dollarga ega. [25] 2004 yil yanvar oyida Svazilend davrlari xabar berishicha, qirol o'z hukumatidan 11 ta xotinining har biriga uchta asosiy saroyni qayta bezash uchun 15 million dollar sarflashni so'ragan. [26] Bosh vazirlik idorasi matbuotda bayonot e'lon qilib, maqolada Svazilend davrlari "beparvo va yolg'on" edi va bu taklif Saroylarni emas, balki 5 ta davlat uyini qurish uchun qilinganligi va uning narxi atigi 19,9 million evroni tashkil qilgan. [27] O'sha yili davlat mablag'lari hisobidan 4 million dollardan ko'proq mablag 'evaziga beshta yangi bino qurishga ruxsat berildi. [28] 2008 yil avgustda svazi skautlari qirolning o'n uchta xotinidan to'qqiztasi chet elga olib ketilgan xaridlar narxiga norozilik bildirish uchun poytaxt bo'ylab yurish qilishdi. [ iqtibos kerak ] [ tushuntirish kerak ] Namoyish OITSga chalingan svazi ayollari uchun "Positive Living" nodavlat tashkiloti tomonidan uyushtirilgan. [29]

Msvati Esvatini iqtisodiyotining katta qismida shaxsiy ulushga ega, bu uning Sahroi-Sahroi mamlakatlari uchun o'rtacha iqtisodiy o'sishining omili. U mutlaq monarx sifatida partiyalarni tarqatish huquqiga ega va parlament qabul qilgan har qanday qonunga veto qo'yishi mumkin. [19]

LaMahlangu munozarasi Tartibga solish

Xalqaro Amnistiya ayblovlariga ko'ra, 18 yoshli o'rta maktab o'quvchisi Zena Mahlangu 2002 yil oktyabr oyida o'z maktabidan g'oyib bo'lgan. Onasi Lindiwe Dlamini qizini Qetuka Sgombeni Dlamini va Tulujani ikki erkak olib ketganini bilib qolgan. Sixondze va u bu haqda politsiyaga xabar berdi. Biroz vaqt o'tgach, unga qizi Ludzidzini qirollik qishlog'ida ekanligi va qirolning keyingi xotini bo'lishga tayyorlanayotgani aytildi. [30] U qizini o'z qaramog'iga qaytarishni talab qildi va sudga berish bilan qo'rqitdi.

A mezonlari orasida lifovela (bo'lajak kelin), qiz egizak bo'lmasligi kerak Zena Mahlangu birodar-opa-singil egizak to'plamining yarmi edi, shuning uchun ham u mos emas. [31] Bu masala Oliy sudga bordi, lekin Svazilend bosh prokurori Phesheya Dlamini aralashdi. [32] O'shandan beri u ikki farzandi bor edi va 2010 yilda rasman qirolning xotini bo'ldi. [33]

Xalqaro Amnistiya shunday dedi:

Qirol va uning agentlari ayollar va qizlarning xalqaro e'tirof etilgan inson huquqlarini, jumladan, o'zboshimchalik bilan hibsga olinmaslik va majburiy nikohga tortilmaslik huquqlarini buzishgan.

2018 yil 19 aprelda qirol Msvati III mamlakat nomini Esvatini deb o'zgartirdi. O'zgarish mamlakat mustaqilligining 50 yilligiga bag'ishlangan edi. [34] 19 aprel - aslida qirolning tug'ilgan kuni, lekin haqiqiy yubiley o'sha yilning 6 sentyabriga to'g'ri kelgan. Msvati III mamlakatning qadimgi asl ismi bo'lgan Esvatini nomini xohlagan va bu o'zgarish avvalgi mustamlaka Svazilend nomidan voz kechish edi. [35]


Playboy Svazilend qiroli uchun oxirgi raqs?

Svazilend iqtisodiyoti qiyinlashar ekan, Afrikaning oxirgi mutlaq monarxi tanqidchilarning kuchayib borayotgan xoriga duch keladi.

LOBAMBA, Svazilend-Ludzidzini qirollik majmuasida tez qorong'i tushmoqda, qirol Msvati III o'zining uzoq kutilgan kirish eshigini ochdi.

Bir necha soatlardan buyon qirollik stadioni qo'shiq va raqs tomoshasi bo'lib kelgan, chunki Svazilend qirolligining turli burchaklaridan kelgan minglab yosh qizlar va qizlar boncukli yubkalar kiyib, sonlari va ko'kragini ochadigan rang -barang kamarlarini yig'ilgan mehmonlar uchun ijro etishgan.

Bu avgust oyining oxirgi yakshanbasi, Svazilendning bir haftalik Umhlanga marosimi yoki qamish raqsining oxirgi kuni, har yili besh yoshdan yigirma yoshgacha bo'lgan qizlar-qiz sifatida tanilgan-Svazi qirollik qarorgohida yig'ilishadi. Lobamba an'analar, poklik va mustaqillik ifodasida.

Garchi shou Msvati kelishidan ancha oldin boshlangan bo'lsa-da, kreskendo 46 yoshli ko'pxotinli monarx uchun ajratilgan, u hashamatli qutidagi o'rindiqlaridan yalang'och ko'krakli erkaklar polki bilan tushadi, ularning hammasi naqshli yubkali, boncukli belbog'li, va leopard terisidan tikilgan belbog'lar.

Ko'p o'tmay, qirol va uning hamrohlari o'smirlar qatoridan yugurishadi, vaqti-vaqti bilan qirg'oqlari qirilib ketgan, qiroli yumshoq monarxning ta'zim qilishini to'xtatadilar. Oxir-oqibat, barcha qizlarni to'qib chiqqandan so'ng-podshohning bo'lajak xotinlarini kuzatib turganda-guruh tribuna chetidagi qizil gilamga qaytadi, u erda Msvati olmos taqinchoqli soat taqib, oltin ko'tarib yurgan. tayoq, alacakaranlıkta pozlar.

"Bu er podshohniki", - deb baqirishadi qizlar, milliy til Sisvatida. "Va odamlar uni roziligisiz tarqatmasligi kerak."

Afrikaning oxirgi mutlaq monarxiyasida-Janubiy Afrika va Mozambik o'rtasida joylashgan Konnektikut shohligi-erning 60 foizi qirolga tegishli, qo'shiq mubolag'a bo'lmaydi. Svazilendning erga egalik qilishning ikkilamchi tizimiga ko'ra, uning 1,2 million fuqarolarining qariyb 70 foizi qirolga ishonib topshirilgan uchastkalarda istiqomat qiladi, ular mahalliy boshliqlar tarmog'i orqali o'z ijarachilarini hech qanday murojaat qilmasdan chiqarib yuborish huquqiga ega.

Asosan, XXI asr feodalizmining shakli, bu tizim, tanqidchilarga ko'ra, Msvati svazi aholisi hisobidan ajoyib boylik to'plashga imkon bergan bir nechta vositalardan biridir. Svazi dehqon dehqonlari mulkiy hujjatlari bo'lmagan taqdirda, odatda qirollik oilasiga sarmoya kiritish uchun ko'chiriladi va ko'pchilik qishloq xo'jaligini yaxshilashga sarmoya kiritishiga to'sqinlik qiladi, buning bir sababi, BMT ma'lumotlariga ko'ra, svazilarning uchdan ikki qismi o'z talablariga javob bera olmaydilar. asosiy oziq -ovqat talablari.

Surunkali qashshoqlikning 43 foizi, tug'ilish davomiyligi atigi 54 yil va OIV tarqalishining 26 foizi - dunyodagi eng yuqori ko'rsatkich - Svazilenddagi ochlik muammosi Msvati pleyboyning turmush tarzidan keskin farq qiladi. 15 xotini, 13 qirollik saroyi, eng yaxshi Mercedes va BMW rusumli flotlari va 17 million dollarlik shaxsiy samolyoti London, Las-Vegas va Dubayda, Msvati, Afrikadagi eng kichiklardan birining rahbari bo'lsa-da. mamlakatlar, qit'adagi har qanday davlat rahbari kabi dabdabali mablag 'sarflaydi.

Garchi G'arb iste'molchilarining bu yondashuviga qaramay, Msvati va u boshchiligidagi monarxiya hali ham ko'plab svazilar va chet ellik mehmonlar tomonidan o'tmish davriga aloqador bo'lib, Afrika mustamlakalarga aylanmaguncha va keyinchalik qit'aning shohlari qulab tushgan milliy davlatlar tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanmoqda. tantanali shaxslar. Mamlakatda ko'pchilik monarx hukmronligidan faxrlanishadi, lekin Msvatining haddan oshishiga nisbatan bag'rikenglik susayishi mumkin.

Qamish raqsiga tashrif buyurgan sayyohlar buni taxmin qilishmasa-da, shahar va qishloq svazilari qirolning bo'ysunuvchilari bilan aloqasi tobora kamayib borayotganidan shikoyat qilmoqdalar va demokratiyani qo'llab-quvvatlovchi faollar tarmog'i Msvatining o'zgarishlarga qarshiligi uzoq davom etmaydi, deb ogohlantirmoqda. . Yil oxirida Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari bilan imtiyozli savdo bitimidan chiqish kuchga kirganidan so'ng, mamlakat minglab ish joylarini yo'qotadi, tahlilchilar kelayotgan iqtisodiy inqirozni bashorat qiladilar, bu osonlikcha keng tarqalgan fuqarolar noroziligiga olib kelishi mumkin.

Hozircha, Msvati stadioni yalang'och o'smirlar bilan to'lib-toshgan.

Svazilend Qirolligi 18-asr o'rtalarida, hozirgi Mozambik ichidagi kuchli bantu tilida so'zlashadigan klan g'arbdagi raqiblarini zabt eta boshlagan paytga to'g'ri keladi. 19 -asrning ikkinchi yarmida qirollik inglizlar va transvaal afrikaliklari o'rtasida mintaqaviy hokimiyat uchun kurash olib bordi. Oxir-oqibat, Angliya-Bur urushida Buyuk Britaniyaning 1902 yildagi g'alabasidan so'ng, ancha kamaygan Svazilend Britaniya protektoratiga aylandi.

Britaniya 1909 yildagi Janubiy Afrikaning o'zini o'zi boshqarish Ittifoqini tuzgan Parlament aktiga qirollikni yoki uning himoyachilari Lesoto va Botsvanani kiritmagan va inglizlar Svazilendni keyingi 60 yil davomida Pretoriya oliy komissari orqali bilvosita boshqaradilar. .

Mustamlakachi amaldorlarning ozgina aralashuvi bilan monarxiya svazi hayotida faol ishtirokini saqlab qoldi va 1921 yilda taxtga o'tirgan qirol Sobhuza II, Britaniya 1968 yilda qirollikka mustaqillik berganida, mashhur bo'lgan rahbar sifatida paydo bo'ldi.

Svazilendning Britaniya uslubidagi yangi konstitutsiyasiga binoan, ko'p partiyali parlament demokratiyasini o'rnatgan bo'lsa-da, Sobxuza o'z kuchini xavf ostida his qildi. In 1973, in an act derided by critics as a coup, he issued a proclamation that revoked the constitution, outlawed political parties, exempted the monarchy from legal accountability, and granted himself supreme authority over the executive, judicial, and legislative arms of government.

Today, despite evidence that Sobhuza's proclamation was enacted at the advice of the apartheid government in South Africa—which feared a democratic Swaziland could be used as a base for the outlawed African National Congress—it remains celebrated by many Swazis as a victory of tradition over the legacy of colonial arrogance.

"Our king was made a little nincompoop in the British eyes," says Walter Bennett, a prominent businessman and former Swazi senator, noting that the 1968 constitution was forced on a Swazi people who had no tradition of—and were not prepared for—multiparty politics.

"Thank goodness [the constitution] showed its incompatibility with the Swazi way of life," he tells me from his office in Mbabane, the country's administrative capital. "Now we are with our king. And they call us Africa's last absolute monarchy? Call it whatever. It makes us tick."

If Mswati were a bit more like his father, it is possible Sobhuza's removal of democracy might have different legacy. Although the former monarch, who ruled until his death in 1982, accumulated as many as 70 wives, he was regarded as a man of the people and eschewed a lavish urban lifestyle. Under Sobhuza's post-independence leadership, Swaziland was an island of stability between a war-torn Mozambique and the crumbling system of apartheid in South Africa, and its economy hummed along thanks to significant foreign investment, including Coca-Cola's largest manufacturing plant in Africa.

Today, with an economy built on industrial sugar and revenue from the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), Swaziland is classified by the World Bank as a lower-middle-income country, with a per capita GDP, calculated on the basis of purchasing power parity of $6,220, that is the ninth highest in sub-Saharan Africa.

Critics contend that such figures mask an economy defined by a searing inequality that is distorted by the royal family's dominance. Besides holding 60 percent of the country's land, Mswati has direct control over Tibiyo Taka Ngwane, a national investment fund with stakes in minerals, real estate, breweries, insurance, and agriculture—including more than half the Swazi sugar industry—and assets worth an estimated $2 billion.

King Sobhuza declared that the fund would be a vehicle for national development, but P. Q. Magagula, a professor of political science at the University of Swaziland, says Mswati has tapped it for royal expenditures and divested parts of it to use for personal investments, including a 10 percent stake in Swaziland's only telecom provider, MTN.

This behavior, Magagula says, has undermined the Swazi economy by stifling investment in industries such as telecoms, in which the king has private interests, while fueling a personal accumulation of wealth that Forbes estimated in 2009 to be $100 million.

Though arguably small by the standards of a monarch (the king of Thailand topped Forbes's most recent list of the world's richest royals, with a net worth of $30 billion), this figure does not include the assets of Tibiyo Taka Ngwane, other opaque family trusts, or the taxpayer-funded $34 million annual royal budget. Although the Swazi treasury, faced with a sharp drop in SACU revenue, nearly went bankrupt in 2011, Mswati has since acquired a luxury MD-87 jet funded a hundred-plus royal entourage on a multimillion-dollar tour of the Asia-Pacific region and constructed, in the face of industry objections, a $280 million airport in Swaziland's remote northeast, widely considered to be a vanity project.

"He is really filthy rich," says Wandile Dludlu, coordinator of the United Democratic Front, a coalition of pro-democracy groups. "We always laugh when the South Africans complain that Jacob Zuma has built himself a $23 million palace," he adds, referring to an ongoing controversy over publicly funded renovations to the home of the South African president. "Our king has 13! They must come to Swaziland to see what it really means for a leader to live a lavish lifestyle."

For Dludlu and other activists, speaking out against the king can be dangerous business.

On the day we meet for coffee in Manzini, Swaziland's largest city, Dludlu is worried about his imprisoned colleague Mario Masuku, president of the People's United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO), the country's largest opposition group, whose health is said to be deteriorating. Arrested in May on charges of terrorism after delivering a speech critical of Mswati, Masuku is one of several high-profile Swazi political prisoners, a list that includes a prominent newspaper editor and a human rights lawyer who were recently convicted for contempt of court after publishing articles critical of Swaziland's chief justice.

Dludlu, who says he's been arrested and tortured several times, tells me that freedom of expression in Swaziland is "getting worse by the day." It's a sentiment echoed in a recent open letter to King Mswati signed by South African Nobel laureate Desmond Tutu and more than 50 civil society and human rights groups. The letter draws attention to a "deterioration of the rule of law" and "abuses of judicial independence and media freedom" and argues that the "absence of a democratic system of governance and rampant abuse of state resources are combining to cement the subjugation of the Swazi people."

According to Dludlu, the king's growing crackdown on dissent is a sign that Mswati may feel vulnerable.

"His Majesty is quite afraid of change and cannot deal with a Swaziland where he does not wield the power that he wields," he says. "Democracy is a threat to [the royal family] because they will no longer have this unlimited power, which gives them unlimited access to state resources. Basically under the status quo they are semi-God."

When trying to understand Mswati's behavior, the period of transition that followed his father's death is not a bad place to start. Under Swazi custom, kings do not appoint their successors instead, a queen mother, selected from among the king's senior wives, assumes the role of regent upon her husband's death until a new king, often a young child, is chosen and groomed by the Liqoqo, the royal council of advisers.

When Sobhuza died in 1982, his most senior wife, Queen Dzeliwe, assumed the regency, though in a break with tradition the Liqoqo soon had her dismissed, feeling threatened by a probe into corruption and a series of attempted reforms that had been initiated by Dzeliwe's prime minister. In her place the Liqoqo appointed Queen Ntfombi Tfwala, the mother of one of Sobhuza's younger sons, the 15-year-old Prince Makhosetive, who was summoned from boarding school in England and introduced as Swaziland's king-in-waiting. In April 1986, upon reaching his 18th birthday, Makhosetive was crowned King Mswati III.

Although treated today as blasphemy, it's an open secret inside Swaziland that Ntfombi, who continues to hold the powerful post of queen mother, was never married to Sobhuza during his reign. She was a teenage maid in the house of one of his favorite wives, and was banished from the royal household when she became pregnant in 1967—a scenario recounted by Swazi elders to the civil liberties watchdog Freedom House and corroborated to me by multiple sources inside and outside of Swaziland. Sixteen years later, seeking to replace Queen Dzeliwe with a successor they could control, the Liqoqo found Ntfombi in a working-class Manzini neighborhood. In a highly usual ceremony, they staged a marriage between Ntfombi and Sobhuza's corpse and installed her as a ruling figurehead until Mswati's coronation.

Today, the consequences of this bizarre sequence of events are many. Never intended to be king, Mswati was not properly prepared for the role of monarch, says Mandla Hlatshwayo, who dealt routinely with Mswati as the president of Swaziland's chamber of commerce and is now a prominent critic-in-exile. Unlike Sobhuza, who was groomed for the position from birth, Mswati was raised with "no expectation that he could be anything," Hlatshwayo tells me via telephone from South Africa. Despite being sent by the royal family to a boarding school in England, Hlatshwayo says, he never developed crucial skills of diplomacy or proper respect for Swazi traditions.

Owing his position to others, moreover, Mswati assumed the kingship with the understanding he would need to please his many senior princes—a situation critics say has facilitated high-level corruption, stretched the palace budget, and resulted in cabinets filled to an unprecedented level with members of the royal family. This concentration of royal power, says Sipho Gumedze, a Manzini-based human rights lawyer, has also diminished the influence of local chiefs, who live among the masses and are therefore better positioned to advocate for the needs of average Swazis.

"When you have a chief that comes from a hard-hit area who will be honest and sincere—that is the voice that Mswati is not getting," Gumedze says.

The feeling of neglect Gumedze speaks of is visible in Maphilingo, a collection of arid settlements in Swaziland's eastern, sugar-growing region of Lubombo. With a hot, dry climate, unlike Swaziland's temperate Highveld west, Lubombo is home to both lush, irrigated plantations and struggling peasant farmers who, due to an extended drought, can no longer grow maize, their former staple crop.

Although unwilling to give their names on record, several Maphilingo residents told me that shortages of food and water are common and note that neither their chief nor member of parliament has done anything to help. Most are less critical of Mswati, whom they say doesn't know their needs—in part, they believe, because he is deliberately misled by officials afraid of being blamed for lack of progress.

Still, among younger residents I spoke to, there is also a sense that esteem for the monarchy is slipping. "This king hasn't done anything for us either," one 20-year-old man tells me. "People our age, we think he's just a useless guy."

However, the prevalence of such views may be of less concern to the king than one might think—due in part to his belief in supernatural forces. Like many Swazis, Mswati is said be a firm believer in muti, an ancient system of charms and potions that can be used to bewitch any would-be threats to power. According to Hlatshwayo, the monarchy considers muti to be Mswati's "first line of defense," more important to national security than the army or police.

To learn more, I seek out an inyanga, or medicine man, who invites me to his home in the boulder-strewn hills above Mbabane. Muti, the inyanga tells me, is all about communicating with ancestral spirits, who point the way to herbs and other remedies that can be used to help a client find a job—or even compel a person to commit suicide. Before any important ceremony, the old man says, the king calls on multiple inyanga to perform rituals that foretell of any coming dangers, which can then be thwarted through the occult.

Like all Swazi kings, however, Mswati also believes that muti can be used to kill him, a notion that underlies several peculiar customs, including prohibitions on shaking the king's hand and a requirement that he always sit above his subjects. This fear of muti, the inyanga tells me, has also compelled Mswati to rely increasingly on inyanga from neighboring Mozambique, and even purge the muti powers of any Swazi inyanga he doesn't trust.

"They invite you to the royal palace, and you cannot refuse," the inyanga tells me in Siswati through a translator. "Once you arrive, your powers vanish."

The king's belief in supernatural powers notwithstanding, one undeniable fact about his kingdom is that Swaziland, unlike many African nations, has never experienced a significant episode of violence. Over the past decade, Swaziland has seen several strikes and demonstrations, most notably in 2011, when trade unionists and pro-democracy activists initiated a wave of Arab Spring-inspired protests after the government announced plans to cut civil servant wages amid a narrowly averted fiscal crisis. Riot police responded with tear gas and water cannons to disperse the crowd and arrested several labor leaders and journalists.

Still, the country has managed to avoid both large-scale civil strife and the waves of urban crime that have infected post-apartheid South Africa.

It's a point stressed by Timothy Mthethwa, the 90-year-old governor of Ludzidzini Royal Palace, who speaks to me from the sidelines of the Reed Dance. Mthethwa, who was Swaziland's first black police commissioner in the 1970s, has been close to the royal family his whole life, and effectively serves as the guardian of the monarchy, settling family disputes and acting as Mswati's gatekeeper. Mthethwa, who carries a wooden club and wears a thin strip of leopard skin around his forehead, both symbols of authority, argues that the monarchy's most enduring characteristic is stability.

"Wherever there are republicans, there is always a power struggle," he says emphatically. "Look around Africa. Wherever they left kingships, there is bloodshed every now and then. With our kingship, with our monarch, there's peace."

While the governor may have a point, he neglects to mention that struggle for power can also occur within monarchies—a state of affairs that has long been present in Swaziland, and may again be coming to a head. As Mswati's extravagant lifestyle has accelerated, multiple sources inside Swaziland tell me, a number of senior princes have grown despondent, leading to rifts within the royal family. Critically, according to Magagula, the University of Swaziland professor who's frequently in touch with members of the Liqoqo, the king no longer listens to many of his key advisers—including some that played a role in installing him as monarch—preferring to consult his loyal prime minister, Barnabas Sibusiso Dlamini.

"They are really frustrated," Magagula says of the Liqoqo. "I think if they had an alternative, they would have removed him. But they don't see any alternative. If they remove him, then what? The institution of the monarchy would probably be killed."

Although Mswati's position as monarch may still be reasonably secure, both Swazi activists and independent analysts warn of a coming economic crisis that could result in unprecedented protests against his rule. As of January 1, 2015, Swaziland will no longer be eligible for preferential trade benefits under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), U.S. legislation enacted in 2000 that allows duty-free access to certain U.S. markets, contingent on upholding various human rights and labor practice standards.

In June, after a lengthy review, the U.S. government withdrew Swaziland's AGOA eligibility, citing the country's "use of security forces and arbitrary arrests to stifle peaceful demonstrations, and the lack of legal recognition for labor and employer federations."

Thanks to AGOA incentives, Swaziland has developed a $100 million garment industry, almost exclusively reliant on U.S. exports, which has generated employment for approximately 17,000 workers. With the loss of AGOA, however, analysts predict the industry will collapse, with dire repercussions for the Swazi economy, where unemployment already tops 40 percent. The Brookings Institution, a U.S. think tank, warns the economy is likely to be "severely injured."

Gumedze, the Manzini-based human rights lawyer, predicts the country will begin to feel a significant hit in April, as job losses accumulate, workers fail to pay their rent, and hundreds of Manzini minibuses—which ferry workers to the factories outside of town and are operated by young men with a history of rioting—go idle. Although Swaziland has experienced protests in the past, he tells me, this time will likely be much worse.

"Before, although there were protests as a result of discontent, they were not a product of people losing their livelihoods," he says. "Now we are talking about them actually losing their livelihoods, where you are pushing them into a corner: a life or death kind of situation.

"We might have people getting really angry at the monarchy," he adds. "When they eventually realize that the monarchy has not been honest, they might even say 'let's do away with this thing.'"

There is perhaps no better distraction from the uncertainty that lies ahead than Umhlanga, the annual Reed Dance. Adopted in the 1840s from a neighboring, Zulu-speaking clan known as the Ndwandwe, Umhlanga is the most public of Swaziland's cultural traditions and is now marketed to foreign tourists in an effort to boost the country's image as peaceful throwback to precolonial Africa.

Lest visitors be unnerved by the requirement that the maidens go topless, officials are quick to stress that the girls attend voluntarily, and that an emphasis on their virginity (which several Swazis tell me is no longer a strict requirement) is part of a national effort to combat the HIV/AIDS crisis.

Yet according to Colani Hlatjwako, acting national coordinator of Women and Law in Southern Africa, a regional advocacy group, the event is as much a cultural festival as it is about politics. Although many of the girls attend freely, she tells me, some communities levy fines on parents whose daughters are absent, largely out of a desire to please the monarchy, which in turn uses the event—featuring songs that praise the king and reject the idea of democracy—as a subtle form of indoctrination.

"When these young girls go back to their villages, they'll be singing the same songs," Hlatjwako says. "Getting them at that tender age, influencing them, they'll probably end up believing that they don't want political parties."

It is in the context of Mswati's own behavior, though, that the Reed Dance is most susceptible to scrutiny. Although supposed to be a model for the nation, Mswati's treatment of his wives—several of whom he spotted at Umhlanga—has been the source of controversy.

Since 2000, at least three of Mswati's wives have fled the country, with the most recent, Angela Dlamini, who left for South Africa in 2012, citing a long history of emotional and physical abuse. Another wife, Zehna Mahlangu, made headlines in 2002 when her mother filed a lawsuit alleging Mswati's aides had kidnapped her from school and forced her to join the royal harem. Yet another, Nothando Dube, who was chosen to marry the king at the age of 16, has reported being abused by palace guards and kept under house arrest.

Mswati, who is not known for publicly responding to critics, generally has remained tight-lipped in the face of such allegations, and several requests to speak with him were ignored by the royal palace. Yet when asked by another reporter during our meeting whether women and girls are allowed to refuse the king's request for marriage, Mthethwa, the palace governor, lets out an extended guttural laugh.

"I'm sorry," he says. "I'm not going to answer that one."

Although aware of the king's transgressions, most of the girls I speak with at Umhlanga appear to be enjoying the experience. Hours before Mswati's arrival, I stop to chat with several groups of maidens as they stand outside the royal compound, clinging to bunches of dried reeds that are meant to symbolize their chastity. Over the previous days, they've cut the reeds from far-away riverbanks, ferried them to the palace on the backs of trucks, and are now waiting to deliver them to Queen Ntfombi, who will use them to make repairs to the traditional houses and fences that make up the royal compound.

Although many of the girls tell me they're tired of dancing, most say they're excited to be spending the week with friends, away from cooking, sweeping, and other toils of daily life at home. Yet when I ask about Mswati—and the idea of becoming a royal bride—most emphatically dismiss the prospect.

"If you marry the king, you can never see your family," one 16-year-old maiden tells me. "You just stay in his palace until you die. If he chose me, I would run like a rabbit."

Jonathan W. Rosen is a journalist based in Kigali, Rwanda. In June, he reported on the shooting of Emmanuel de Merode, chief warden of the Democratic Republic of the Congo's Virunga National Park.


Swaziland makes major strides against its AIDS epidemic

PARIS—New data from Swaziland, a tiny country in southern Africa, provide some of the most convincing evidence yet that aggressively ramping up treatment for HIV/AIDS works on a population level to cut the rate of new infections. The kingdom has had one of the worst HIV/AIDS epidemics in the world, but since 2011, its massive scale-up of testing and treatment has slashed the rate of new infections by 44%.

Several studies have firmly established that when antiretroviral drugs (ARVs) are taken consistently they drive the level of HIV in the blood down below the level of detection on standard tests. In response, the risk of an infected person transmitting the virus plummets. This led to the concept of so-called treatment as prevention, and mathematical models suggest that if 73% of a population suppresses their virus, new infection rates will nose-dive and epidemics can sputter out. But many questions remain about this theory, especially after a report last year showed that Botswana had come close to hitting this target without seeing much impact on its rate of new infections..

New data presented here at the International AIDS Society’s (IAS’s) international conference show Swaziland, a landlocked country of 1.45 million people that’s bordered by South Africa and Mozambique, has made “remarkable progress,” said Velephi Okello from the country’s Ministry of Health in Mbabane. As Okello explained, a survey in 2011 showed that 32% of the Swazi population between the ages of 18 and 49 was living with HIV—the highest prevalence of any country in the world. At the time, only 72,402 of those people were receiving ARV treatment. Only 34.8% of the infected population had suppressed the virus. The rate of new infection, or incidence, was 2.5% per year.

Today, 171,266 HIV-infected people in Swaziland receive ARVs, thanks to support from the U.S. government President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief program (PEPFAR), and the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria. A 7-month survey, funded by the Washington, D.C.–based PEPFAR and completed in March, found that 73.1% of the infected population now has fully suppressed virus, and Okello said the HIV incidence had dropped to 1.4%—a 44% decrease. In addition to ramping up treatment, the country also has seen big increases in men opting to be circumcised, a proven way to lower the risk of becoming infected by the AIDS virus.

The room erupted into hoots and applause. “These findings are cause for celebration,” says Wafaa El-Sadr, an epidemiologist at Columbia University whose group helped Swaziland conduct the surveys. “It’s a dramatic blunting of new infections.”

“These are really beautiful data,” said Linda-Gail Bekker of the Desmond Tutu HIV Centre in Cape Town, South Africa. Bekker, who was not involved in the study, is also the president of IAS, which sponsored the meeting.

PEPFAR Director Deborah Birx said the new data were rigorously collected. “The thing that’s so exciting about Swaziland is they had a very true baseline from 5 years ago with very similar methodology so you could go in there and see which parameters changed and which parameters didn’t change,” Birx says. She stresses that treatment as prevention by itself won’t eliminate HIV in Swaziland. “This is our way to contract the epidemic on our way to vaccine and a cure,” she says.

Swaziland still faces serious challenges, Okello noted. Only 66.1% of HIV-infected people in the 15- to 24-year-old age bracket, know their status—far lower than the 84.7% seen overall—and of those, only 81.7% are receiving ARVs. More sobering still, about one-fourth of those receiving treatment in the younger group are not suppressing their infections. “They’re lagging behind,” Okello said.

Michel Sidibé, head of the Joint United Programme on HIV/AIDS in Geneva, Switzerland, worked in Swaziland 25 years ago when the virus was just starting to make headway. “We saw the epidemic exploding in South Africa and the migration with Swaziland was so big I could see the big risk,” Sidibé says. But Swaziland was reluctant to promote education about sexuality and had a traditional, decentralized approach to the growing spread of the virus, he says. “The major, major breakthrough started coming when the current king understood it was a survival issue for his nation about 6, 7 years ago.”

Sidibé says he hopes the U.S. government will take notice of the Swaziland success and recognize the importance of maintaining its substantial investments in PEPFAR and the Global Fund. (It’s the biggest single donor.) “The best news of this conference will be the Swaziland results,” Sidibé says. “The result should drive all our efforts.”

Although U.S. President Donald Trump strongly supported PEPFAR while he was a candidate, his Secretary of State Rex Tillerson last month alarmed many in the HIV/AIDS community when he testified at a U.S. Senate hearing about proposed budget cuts that could limit PEPFAR’s extensive reach. “The program monies that are available are to sustain the HIV treatments in 11 countries to continue to take those to conclusion,” he said.

Birx says this was a misunderstanding. “That is totally my fault,” says Birx, explaining that she wrote a briefing paper that called for accelerating the PEPFAR effort in 11 countries. “We’re not leaving the other 50 countries that we’re in."


Swaziland king renames country Kingdom of eSwatini

The king of Swaziland, Africa’s last absolute monarchy, has announced that his country has changed its name to the Kingdom of eSwatini to mark 50 years since independence from British rule.

Meaning “place of the Swazi”, eSwatini is the Swazi language name for the tiny state landlocked between South Africa and Mozambique. Unlike some countries, Swaziland did not change its name when it gained independence in 1968 after being a British protectorate for more than 60 years.

King Mswati III declared the name change during independence day celebrations at a packed sports stadium in the second city of Manzini. “I would like to announce that Swaziland will now revert to its original name,” he said, wearing red military uniform.

“African countries on getting independence reverted to their ancient names before they were colonised. So from now on, the country will be officially be known as the Kingdom of eSwatini.”

The name Swaziland angers some citizens as it is a mix of Swazi and English.

The move had been mooted for years, with lawmakers considering the issue in 2015. The king had used the new name in previous official speeches.

Mswati, who was crowned in 1986 aged 18, rules by decree. Political parties are banned from taking part in elections and only candidates approved by chiefs loyal to the king can stand for office. The country has a population of about 1.3 million people.

The name change could mean the country’s constitution is rewritten, as well as changes for the royal Swaziland police force, the Swaziland defence force and the University of Swaziland.

After independence, Rhodesia became Zimbabwe, Nyasaland became Malawi, and Bechuanaland became Botswana.


Tarkibi

The history of the mining sector of the country is ancient, traced to the iron ore mine of the western Ngwenya mountains, which has since 1975 been closed. Ngwenya Mine is said to be the oldest iron ore mine in the world. [3] [4] In recent years there is resurgence of this sector. Geological mapping of the country has been done to scale of 1:50,000, which is being updated. [ qachon? ] [ iqtibos kerak ]

The Mining Department is responsible for the mining and minerals industry. Laws promulgated in this respect are the Mines and Minerals Act No, 4 of 2011, Diamond Act No. 3 of 2011, Explosives Act, Mines and machinery regulations, and Mines and Quarries (safety) Regulations. Additional regulations are under review. [ iqtibos kerak ]

The important mines in the country include the Bulembu asbestos mine, the Emaswati colliery and the Dvokolwako diamond mines and quarries. [5] While the high quality anthracite coal of the Maloma Coal mine continues to be extracted as the quality of the coal produced is eight-ash grade compared to the earlier ten-ash variety. From the Dvokolwako Mine, diamond production was expected to achieve a yield of 80,000 carats per year. [2]

Asbestos production, which was exploited to a large extent, is faced with problems due to decrease in international pricing. The tailings of the Ngwenya iron ore mine (the mine itself closed in 1977) are planned to be reworked to extract 2 million metric tons of iron ore concentrate annually. Gold extractions from the northwestern region of the country have been planned, with the Piggs Peak mine getting revived. [2] More sites have been prospected for extraction to sustain an economic development of the mining sector. [ iqtibos kerak ]

Minerals under extraction in the country include coal, diamonds, gold, kaolin and silica. Other minerals such as arsenic, copper, manganese and tin are also found but are not found economical to extract. [ iqtibos kerak ] Coal and diamonds are mined for exports while quarries cater to the local needs.

The mineral industry is faced with a low level of exploration and exploitation, which is unlikely to change in the near future on account of inadequate infrastructure facilities, and also due to a high degree of HIV/AIDS among its population. [2]


Lesser-known facts about eSwatini/Swaziland:

  • Africa's last remaining absolute monarchy
  • A landlocked country, smaller than the US state of New Jersey
  • King Mswati III currently has 13 wives his predecessor had 125
  • He can chose a new spouse at the annual reed dance (pictured above), a cultural event celebrating chastity and virginity
  • Sugar is its main export earner
  • Has the world's highest prevalence rate for HIV/Aids
  • Low life expectancy with 54 years for men, 60 for women

Coming as I do from Ghana, I feel I must have sympathy for this move.

We changed our name at independence, going from the colonial-imposed "Gold Coast" to Ghana.

It might have taken them 50 years to do so, but if they have decided to correct what must be a colonial imposition of calling their country Swaziland, everybody should wish them well.

After all, eSwatini, we are told, simply means "land of the Swazis" - in other words, Swaziland.

It is not exactly like Ghana where we went back into history to claim a heritage that is still argued over.


CONTRIBUTOR

People’s World is a voice for progressive change and socialism in the United States. It provides news and analysis of, by, and for the labor and democratic movements to our readers across the country and around the world. People’s World traces its lineage to the Daily Worker newspaper, founded by communists, socialists, union members, and other activists in Chicago in 1924.


Videoni tomosha qiling: Tarix qanday organiladi? Xronologiya.