Britaniya tarixidagi eng hayratlanarli natija 1907 yil 18-iyulda bo'lib o'tdi. G'olib 27 yoshli Viktor Grayson bo'ldi, u tanlovda uchta yirik partiyadan birortasini qo'llab-quvvatlay olmadi.
Grayson, duradgor Uilyam Graysonning ettinchi o'g'li, 1881 yil 5 sentyabrda Liverpulda tug'ilgan. Uning tarjimai holi Devid Klarkning so'zlariga ko'ra, ba'zi odamlar bu ota -ona emasligini va otasi aristokrat ekanligini da'vo qilishgan. (1)
Bolaligida u qoqilishdan aziyat chekardi va maktabda bu haqda masxara qilishardi. O'n to'rt yoshida u uydan qochib ketdi va Avstraliyaga ketayotgan kemada o'tirmoqchi bo'ldi. Dengizda to'rt kundan keyin u topildi va ota -onasiga qaytarildi. (2)
1899 yilda Grayson Lancashire shtatining Boot shahrida muhandis -shogird sifatida ish boshladi. U kasaba uyushmasiga qo'shildi va keyingi bir necha yil ichida paydo bo'layotgan sotsialistik harakatga juda qiziqib qoldi. Biroq, uning onasi dindor edi va uni cherkov vaziri bo'lishini xohlardi va 1904 yilda Manchesterdagi Ouen kollejiga kirib, Unitar vazirlikka o'qishga kirdi. (3)
Greyson keyinroq bu kitobning muharriri Uilyam Stidga aytdi Pall Mall gazetasi U o'zining siyosiy faoliyatiga e'tibor qaratishga qaror qildi: "Hozirgi kabi ijtimoiy tizimda haqiqiy dinni kutish befoyda edi - faqat siyosiy harakatlar orqali yaxshi sharoitlar bo'lishi mumkin edi ... Men universitetdagi kareram - Bu haqiqatan ham foydali, men o'z talabalarim orasida tashviqot qilishim kerak. " (4)
Greyson o'qish orqali siyosat haqida bilib oldi Klarion, adolat va Mehnat rahbari. Greyson, shuningdek, Liverpul missiyasi zalida Sotsialistik Debatlar Jamiyati yig'ilishlarida qatnashgan va kollejda ma'ruzalar qilgan. Shogirdlaridan biri ta'kidladi: "Agar Greyson umumiy xonada gapirayotganini aytsak, biz olomonga to'lib -toshgan bo'lar edik ... hammasi sotsializm edi, bu u bilan qandaydir din edi". (5)
Greyson Mustaqil Mehnat Partiyasiga (ILP) qo'shildi. 1893 yilda tashkil etilgan ILPning asosiy maqsadi "ishlab chiqarish, tarqatish va almashish vositalariga jamoaviy egalikni ta'minlash" edi. Bu tashkilotning yetakchi shaxslari qatoriga Keir Hardie, Robert Smillie, George Bernard Shaw, Tom Mann, George Barnes, John Glasier, H. H. Champion, Ben Tillett, Edward Carpenter va Ramsay Macdonald kirdi. (6)
Liverpulda Greyson ajoyib notiq sifatida obro 'qozondi. Ko'p kunlarda u sovun qutisida turib, sotsializm haqida ma'ruzalar o'qiydi. Universitet rahbariyati Graysonning o'qishga beparvo qarayotganidan xavotirga tushib, ILP rahbarlaridan biri Filipp Snouden bilan gaplashishni so'radi. Snouden Greysonni o'qishni davom ettirishga ko'ndira olmadi. Grayson Snoudenga universitet "ishonadigan boshpana" ekanligini va u haqiqiy dunyoda ishlashni niyat qilganini aytdi. Keyingi bir necha yil ichida Greyson sanoat tumanlarida bo'lib, sotsializm haqida ma'ruzalar o'qidi. Uning obro'si oshdi va uni yaqinda tuzilgan Mehnat partiyasining bo'lajak rahbari sifatida ko'rishdi. (7)
Uning biografi Devid Xauell ta'kidlaganidek: "1905 yilda Manchesterda ishsizlik yuqori bo'lgan va Greyson namoyishlarda mashhur va samarali ma'ruzachi sifatida paydo bo'lgan. Uning sotsializmga bo'lgan ishtiyoqi diniy majburiyatini almashtirdi va 1906 yil iyulda o'z kursidan voz kechdi. Grayson Keyingi siyosiy yuksalish meteorik edi. Ishchi harakati tajribasi ko'p jihatdan tor edi. U siyosiy tashkilotning vazifalarini emas, platformaning his -tuyg'ularini afzal ko'rdi. (8)
1907 yil yanvar oyida Koln Vodiysidagi Mustaqil Mehnat Partiyasi Viktor Graysonni deputatlikka nomzod qilib tanladi. Ilgari, mehnat harakati IOP nomzodlari uchun boshqa o'rinlarni egallashda yordam evaziga Kolna vodiysidagi Liberal partiya nomzodini qo'llab -quvvatlagan. Leyboristlar partiyasi ijrochisi Graysonni o'z nomzodi sifatida qo'llab -quvvatlamaslikka qaror qildi. Colne Valley ILP orqaga qaytishdan bosh tortdi va 1907 yil iyul oyida bo'lib o'tgan navbatdagi saylovda Grayson Mustaqil sotsialistik nomzod sifatida ko'rindi. O'z nomzodini tanlashda Koln Vodiysi aholisi "ishonmagan tajribasi kam odamni tanlagan". (9)
ILPning etakchi shaxslaridan faqat biri Ketrin Glazer kampaniya davomida o'z uchrashuvlarida gapirishga tayyor edi. Muallifi Reg Groves Viktor Graysonning g'alati ishi (1975), "Sotsialistlarning pullari yo'q edi, faqat tegirmonlarda va fabrikalarda va yig'ilishlarda o'z hamkasblari orasida yig'ilgan tangalarni hisobga olmaganda. Kampaniya o'sib borishi bilan pullar yanada chorasiz choralar bilan yig'ildi; soatlar, uy -ro'zg'or buyumlari, Hatto to'y uzuklari ham pul oqimini ushlab turish uchun garovga qo'yilgan edi, ularda hech qanday samarali, muammosiz ishlaydigan saylov mashinalari yo'q edi, uni o'sha joydan tuzatish kerak edi. Mehnat partiyasi uni ma'qullashdan bosh tortgani uchun, uning ta'sirini to'xtovsiz qo'llab -quvvatlamasligi mumkin edi; ILP ham antagonistik edi va mahalliy kasaba uyushmalarining ko'plab amaldorlari ularga qarshi emas, balki liberallar bilan ishlash siyosatini yoqladilar. (10)
Garchi ILP sotsializmga olib boradigan parlament yo'liga sodiq bo'lsa -da, saylov paytida Grayson inqilobni qo'llab -quvvatladi. Grayson saylovoldi murojaatida shunday yozgan edi: Men sizga o'z sinfdoshlaringizdan biri sifatida murojaat qilaman. Men kapitalizmning qullik qulligidan ozod bo'lishni xohlayman. Men ilohiy ravishda yolg'onchi bo'lishimizga ishonmayman. Asrlar mobaynida biz mag'rur zodagonlarning serflari bo'ldik. Biz fabrikalarda va ustaxonalarda kapitalistik sinfning ochko'z mog'orini to'kish uchun daromad olish uchun mehnat qildik. Ularning bolalari erning yog'idan to'yib ovqatlangan. Farzandlarimiz borliq uchun kurashda qarovsiz va nogiron bo'lib qolgan. Biz darslarga xizmat qildik va to'da bo'lib qoldik. Bizning ozod bo'lishimiz vaqti keldi. Biz boylar hukmronligini buzib, taqdirimizni o'z qo'limizga olishimiz kerak. Xayriya ishlari farzandlarimizdan boshlasin. Xotinlarini hurmat qiladigan, bolalarini sevadigan va hamma uchun to'laqonli hayotni xohlaydigan ishchilar. Er egasi yoki kapitalist uchun ovoz berish sizning sinfingizga xiyonatdir. Farzandingizga o'zingizdan ko'ra yaxshiroq imkoniyat berish uchun, xochga o'tishdan oldin yaxshilab o'ylab ko'ring. Boshqa darslar o'z kunini o'tkazdi. Endi navbat bizda. "(11)
Greyson, shuningdek, ayollar uchun ovoz berish kampaniyasini o'tkazdi. Xanna Mitchell o'z kampaniyasiga qo'shildi va keyin shunday deb esladi: "Men Koln vodiysini oxirigacha ishlagan bo'lardim, ko'pincha Koln Vodiysi Mehnat Ligasi homiyligida. Ba'zida biz uydan uyma -uy yurib, ayollarni kelishini so'radik. va (Viktor Greysonga) quloq soling, buni odatda Koln vodiysidagi ayollar qilishga tayyor edi. " (12) Emmeline Pankhurst ham Greysonni qo'llab -quvvatlash uchun shaharga tashrif buyurdi. (13) Daily Mirror "Colne Valley tegirmonining qizlari ... ularning ko'pchiligi ilgari ovozlarga ahamiyat bermaganlar, endi franchayzing imtiyozlaridan foydalanish istagida." (14)
O'z nutqlaridan birida Greyson ayollarning saylov huquqi haqidagi fikrini bayon qildi: "Ayollarni konstitutsiyaga binoan chaqaloqlar, ahmoqlar va tengdoshlar toifasiga kiritish meni na erkak, na adolatli taassurot qoldiradi. Minglab ayollar qullikka majbur. tirikchilik qilish uchun fabrikalarda va boshqalarda; va boshqalar erkaklar tomonidan yaratilgan va qo'llab -quvvatlanayotgan adolatsiz iqtisodiy qonunlar tufayli tanada ham, ruhda ham vayron bo'lganida, men ayollardan o'z qonunlarini qabul qilishda qatnashish huquqini ushlab qolishni eng zo'ravonlik deb bilaman. Agar men sizning qo'llab -quvvatlashingiz bilan taqdirlanadigan bo'lsam, men ayollarga erkaklar bilan bir xil sharoitda ovoz berishga yordam beradigan tadbirni eng katta va g'ayratli qo'llab -quvvatlashga tayyorman. . " (15)
Saylov 1907 yil 18 -iyulda bo'lib o'tdi. Grayson 3,648 ovoz oldi va bu unga ikki raqibidan ko'pchilik ovoz berdi: Filipp Brayt - Liberal (3,495) va Grenvil Uiler - Konservativ (3,227). The Daily Express xabar berdi: "Qizil Bayroq Kolna vodiysida to'lqinlanmoqda ... sotsializm isitmasi minglab ishchilarni yuqtirgan, ular, kechqurun janob Graysonning qaytishi ular uchun ming yillikni anglatadi, deb o'ylashadi." (16)
G'alaba nutqida Greyson quyidagilarni ta'kidladi: "Mening xayolimga kelgan birinchi quvonch-bu davriy g'alabaning sof inqilobiy sotsializm uchun qo'lga kiritilishi ... Siz ovoz berdingiz, sotsializm uchun ishladingiz: siz ovoz berdingiz Siz hayot vositalarini bir necha kichik sinflar o'rniga butun sinfning mulki bo'lish uchun ishladingiz. Biz tenglik, inson tengligi, jinsiy tenglik tarafdorimiz ... Bu ajoyib g'alaba o'rtoqlar. " (17)
Mustaqil Mehnat Partiyasi va Sotsial Demokratiya Federatsiyasi Graysonning g'alabasini olqishladilar, chunki u inqilobiy sotsialist Parlamentga saylanishi mumkinligini ko'rsatdi. Mehnat partiyasi Graysonning g'alabasidan norozi edi, chunki bu ularning Liberal partiya bilan munosabatlariga xavf tug'dirdi. U Jamoatlar palatasida Leyboristlar partiyasi asta -sekinlik bilan hujumga o'tdi: "Bizga sezilmaydigan darajada ilgarilab ketish - salyangoz tezligida borish - birma -bir qadam. Albatta, ikki yoki undan ko'p qadam tashlash uchun etarlicha yosh odamlar bor. bir vaqt ". (18)
Grayson Jamoatlar palatasidagi birinchi ma'ruzasida, diplomatga, 1 -Kromer grafi Evelin Baringga Misrdagi xizmatlari uchun 50 ming funt berish haqidagi yaqinda qabul qilingan qarorni tanqid qildi. U "Imperializmni mustahkamlagan" odamni mukofotlagani uchun hukumatga hujum qildi. Greyson, "bu uyning to'rt devoridan tashqarida odamlar ochlikdan o'layotgan paytda", Kromerga yaxshi maosh to'langanini qo'shimcha qildi. Hukumat stendiga ishora qilib, u bu joylarni "g'azablangan odamlar yuborgan sotsialistlar egallaydigan" kunni sabrsizlik bilan kutayotganini aytdi.
1908 yil 31 oktyabr, seshanba kuni Greyson Jamoatlar palatasida o'rnidan turdi va qichqirdi: "Men ishsizlik muammosini hal qilish uchun uyni boshqa joyga ko'chirishni xohlayman ... odamlar ko'chalarda och qolishadi". U o'tirishdan bosh tortsa, uni Commonsdan olib ketishdi. U ketayotganda u leyboristlarga o'girildi va baqirdi: "Sizlar xoinlarsiz! O'z sinfingiz xoinlari". (19)
Endi Greyson jamoatchilik palatasidan chetlatildi. Greysonning harakatlari Jorj Bernard Shou singari odamlarning roziligiga sazovor bo'ldi, lekin Leyboristlar a'zolari tomonidan oldindan taxmin qilinadigan dushmanlikni keltirib chiqardi. (20) "Greysonning faoliyati hamkasblarini juda xijolat qildi, chunki bu harakatlar Mehnat Guruhining obro'siga putur etkazdi, deb hisoblandi, shuningdek, ular faollarga Guruhning ta'sirsizligidan keskin farq qildi". (21)
ILP rahbari Keir Hardie, Viktor Greysonning taktikasidan butunlay voz kechganini darhol aytdi: "Grayson Jamoatlar uyiga keldi, hech kim bilan maslahatlashmadi va hatto sahnaga chiqish niyatida ekanini ham sezmadi. Bu uning o'rtoqlik g'oyasi bo'lishi mumkin, bu meniki emas. " J. R. Klaynz qo'shimcha qildi: "Men sabablarga zo'ravonlik va zo'ravonlik harakati sabab bo'ladi deb o'ylamayman". (22)
Fred Jouett ham Graysonga xatti -harakati uchun hujum qildi. "Hozir erkaklar Viktor Grayson tomonidan xiyonatkor deb ta'riflanadi, u sotsialistik harakatni tashkil etish vazifasini o'z zimmasiga oldi, deyarli butun dunyodagi befarqlikning sovuq sovuqligi dushmanlik va do'stlik ishtiyoqi o'rtasidagi zo'ravonlik almashinuvidan ko'ra qiyinroq edi. Viktor Grayson hozir yashaydi va harakat qiladi. Biz olomonni baqira oladigan odam, albatta, erkaklarning tashkilotchisi emasligini tan olishimiz kerak. Agar uning mahorati sinfga qarshi emas, balki o'z sinfdoshlariga va qarindoshlariga qarshi ishonchsizlik va nafratning urug'ini tikishda, umumiy maqsadga bo'lgan muhabbat qarindosh ruhlar bilan do'stlik o'rnatsa, agar u bunday mahoratga ega bo'lmasa yaxshi bo'lardi ». (23)
Teodor Rotshteyn Viktor Graysonga nisbatan hamdard edi, lekin unga marksizmni qabul qilmagani uchun hujum qildi: "Greyson hali yosh, taxminan 27 yoshda, iqtidorli, temperamentli, tug'ma agitator, ammo nazariy bilimga ega bo'lmagan marksist emas. - Marksizmga raqib bo'lishga moyil - qisqasi, sharob hali achitilmagan yoshdagi sentimental sotsialist. Bu tipdagi barcha sotsialistlar singari - va bu tur bizning davrimizdan ancha oldinroq bo'lgan tarixiy. u hozirgi partiya odamidan ko'ra ko'proq xalq tribunasini ifodalaydi va anarxist yoki sindikist bo'lmasdan, u parlamentarizm va rejalashtirilgan siyosiy kurashning dahshatiga ega. "Angliyada, parlamentga keng tarqalgan fetish ibodatiga qaramay, keng tarqalgan va burjua partiyalarining yolg'on va aldash taktikasi sabab bo'lgan". (24)
Eduard Karpenter shu vaqt ichida u bilan tanishadi: "Viktor Grayson eng hazilkash jonzot edi. Uning latifalar fondi tugamas edi va u a'zo bo'lgan kechki ovqat kamdan -kam hollarda ertalab soat uchdan oldin uxlab qolishi mumkin edi. Platformada batafsil yoki konstruktiv bahs uchun u yaxshi emas edi, lekin dushmanni tanqid qilish uchun uni tengi yo'q edi - aqlining o'qlari uning atrofini yoritgandek o'ynardi, katta og'zi va egiluvchan yuqori labi bilan u shunchaki raqiblarini ko'zdan kechirayotganday tuyuldi. ularni yeb yuboradi ". (25)
Uning biografi Devid Xauell: "Ko'pincha erkaklar va ayollar uchun jozibali va jozibali, uning siyosatida chuqurlik yo'q edi. U o'z hamdardlari uchun qonunga emas, balki axloqiy o'zgarishlarga ko'proq qarzdor bo'lgan yaxshiroq dunyoning umidini ifodalagan. U aql bovar qilmaydigan, beqarorlashtiruvchi va potentsial zo'ravonliklarni urushdan oldingi sotsialistik va urush davridagi vatanparvar sifatida ko'rsatdi. Bir nuqtai nazardan, u nuqsonli sotsialistik qahramon, lekin uning o'ziga xos traektori Edvardiya chapidagi aniq va muhim mavzularni yoritadi. axloqiy o'yinda u baribir o'z davri va joyining odami edi ". (26)
Greyson milliy rahbariyat Koln vodiysidagi kampaniyasini qo'llab -quvvatlamoqchi emasligidan g'azablandi va Jamoatlar palatasidagi Mehnat partiyasi guruhiga qo'shilishdan bosh tortdi. Darhaqiqat, Greyson kamdan -kam hollarda parlamentga tashrif buyurib, mamlakatni aylanib, inqilobiy sotsializm foydasiga ma'ruza qilishni afzal ko'rdi. U Koln Vodiysi deputati bo'lgan paytda Commons -da bo'lib o'tgan 300 dan ortiq munozaralardan faqat Greyson 32 -da ovoz bergan. Graysonning parlamentdagi xatti -harakati ham tartibsiz bo'lib borar edi va uning jiddiy ichimlik muammosi borligi ma'lum bo'ldi. (27)
Bu voqeadan keyin Greyson kamdan -kam hollarda Jamoatlar uyiga tashrif buyurgan va ko'p vaqtini yozish uchun o'tkazgan Klarion yoki nutq so'zlash uchun to'lanadi. Devid Klark: "U yosh, jo'shqin va chiroyli edi. Uning notiqligi ajoyib edi. Siyosiy sahnada va ajoyib notiqlarga boy bo'lgan davrda, Greyson o'zgacha edi. Ba'zilar uni o'z davrining eng buyuk notiq -notiqlari deb taxmin qilishgan. U osongina olomonni o'zi bilan olib keta olardi. U kamdan -kam hollarda eslatmalarni ishlatar va oyoqlarida turganida mantiqan o'z fikrlarini bashorat qila oladigan noyob sovg'aga ega edi. Graysonning uslubi nafaqat ishchilar orasida, balki o'rta sinflar orasida ham Edvardiya Angliyasining noroziligi va noroziligiga sabab bo'ldi. Uning siyosat va sotsializmga bo'lgan munosabati xushxabarchi va'zgo'y edi. U arzimagan mukofotlar uchun tinimsiz mehnat qilgan minglab erkak va ayollarga umid baxsh etdi. (28)
Avvaliga Koln vodiysi aholisi ishsizlar uchun gapiradigan deputat bo'lganidan xursand bo'lishdi. Biroq, uning hashamatli turmush tarzi va ichkilikbozligi haqidagi hikoyalar ularga unchalik taassurot qoldirmadi va 1910 yilgi umumiy saylovda unga yordam beradigan ko'ngillilar kam edi. U uchun kampaniya o'tkazgan odamlardan biri Jon MakNair edi. Keyinchalik u Greysonning mast holda yig'ilishlarga borganini ko'rib, hayratga tushganini yozdi. "Bu men uchun, ishchi oiladan bo'lgan, g'ayratli yosh sotsialist uchun dahshatli zarba bo'ldi." (29)
Liberal partiya radikal Xalq byudjetini blokirovka qilishga uringan Lordlar palatasini isloh qilish mavzusida saylovda qatnashdi. Sotsialistlar bu masalada liberallar bilan kelishishga moyil edilar. Liberal nomzod Charlz Lich 4741 ovoz bilan g'alaba qozondi. Tori ikkinchi bo'ldi, Grayson esa 3,149 ovoz bilan so'rovnomaning eng oxirida joy oldi. U yolg'iz emas edi, saylovda Leyboristlar nomzodlari faqat liberallar bahslashmagan o'rinlarni qo'lga kiritishdi. Qachonki sotsialistik nomzodlar har ikki partiyaga qarshi kurashsa, ular so'rovnomaning eng oxirigacha tugagan. (30)
Viktor Grayson nutq so'zladi va u Koln vodiysidagi navbatdagi saylovda g'alaba qozonishini aytdi: "Dunyoning umidi, kelajakdagi insoniyat dini bo'lgan sotsializm liberalizm va toryizmni er yuzidan yo'q qiladigan kun yaqinlashmoqda. ... Bayrog'ingizga kasal ... Ranglarimizga dog 'tushishiga yo'l qo'ymang ... Yuragingizni birinchi bo'lib ilhomlantirgan xushxabarga yopishib oling va siz hech kim aytolmaydigan g'alabadan xursand bo'lib yashaysiz. " (31)
Mag'lubiyat Viktor Graysonning tanazzuliga sabab bo'ldi. U Mustaqil Mehnat Partiyasini tark etib, H. M. Xindmanga qo'shilib Britaniya Sotsialistik partiyasini (BSP) tuzdi. Bir necha bor parlament saylovlarida qatnashgan, lekin hech qachon mandatni qo'lga kiritishga yaqin bo'lmagan.
Viktor Grayson jamoatchilik uyida o'tirmasdan, ma'ruzali sayohatlar orqali tirikchilik qilishga harakat qildi. Hali ham ko'p ichgan, sog'lig'i yomonlasha boshladi. Ko'p sotsialistlar uni tushkunlikka tushirganini his qilishdi: "Biz hammamiz unga ishonardik ... u sotsialistik harakatning sevgilisi edi: hech bir chempionimiz hech qachon bunchalik katta mukofotga sazovor bo'lmagan ... U etakchilik fazilatlariga ega edi. .. xushmuomala, samimiy, aqlli va notiqlik bilan ... Grayson uning atrofiga yig'ilib, har qanday odam faxrlanishi mumkin. " (38)
Greyson "nemis tahdidi" xavfi haqida nutq so'zlay boshladi va Germaniyaning o'sib borayotgan dengiz va harbiy qudrati bilan kurashishga tayyorlanishni talab qildi. U shunday dedi: "To'g'ri yoki noto'g'ri, ba'zilarimiz bir yoki Evropa kuchlarining kombinatsiyasi bilan urush bo'lishi mumkin deb o'ylaymiz, agar bu muqarrar bo'lmasa. To'g'ri yoki noto'g'ri, ba'zilarimiz urush bizni jihozlanmagan va etarli darajada jihozlanmagan deb o'ylashadi. Bizning fikrimizcha, Britaniya imperiyasining saqlanishi dunyoning sotsializm tomon yurishi uchun eng yaxshi sharoitlarni yaratadi ". (40)
1914 yil iyul oyining oxirida Britaniya hukumatiga mamlakat Germaniya bilan urush yoqasida turganligi ma'lum bo'ldi. Hukumatning yuqori lavozimli to'rt a'zosi Charlz Trevelyan, Devid Lloyd Jorj, Jon Berns va Jon Morli mamlakatning Evropa urushiga qo'shilishiga qarshi edi. Ular Bosh vazir Gerbert Asquitga bu masala bo'yicha iste'foga chiqish niyati borligini ma'lum qilishdi. 4 -avgustda urush e'lon qilinganida, Trevelyan, Berns va Morli ismli uch kishi iste'foga chiqishdi, lekin Asquit o'z moliya vaziri Lloyd Jorjni fikrini o'zgartirishga ko'ndirishga muvaffaq bo'ldi. Trevelyan urushga qarshi tashkilot-Demokratik nazorat ittifoqini tuzdi. (41)
Britaniyadagi barcha sotsialistik rahbarlar urushga qarshi chiqishdi. Keyr Xardi 1914 yil 2 -avgustda nutq so'zladi va u erda "hukmron sinfni ... ko'pchilikning qarorini hurmat qilishga chaqirdi, bunday mash'umlikda na ulushi, na ulushi bo'ladi ... Sinflar hukmronligi buziladi" ! Dahshatli kuchlar hukmronligi bilan! Urushlar bilan! Odamlarning tinch hukmronligi bilan! " (42)
Ramsay MakDonald, shuningdek, o'z a'zolarini urushda qatnashishga undamasligini aytdi. "Qorong'ilikdan va chuqurlikdan biz har bir mamlakatning ishchi sinfdoshlarini tabriklaymiz. Qurol-yarog'lar sadosi ostida biz nemis sotsialistlariga hamdardlik va salom yo'llaymiz. Ular Germaniya bilan bo'lgani kabi, Britaniya bilan ham yaxshi munosabatlarni rivojlantirish uchun bor kuchlarini sarflaydilar. "Ular bizga dushman emas, balki sodiq do'stlardir". (43)
Chap qanotli siyosiy arboblar orasida deyarli yolg'iz bo'lgan Greyson yollanma nutq so'zladi va yosh yigitlarni qurolli kuchlarga qo'shilishga undovchi maqolalar yozdi. Ba'zi sotsialistlar uni bu chiqishlari uchun hukumat tomonidan to'langanlikda ayblashdi. U nima uchun urush haqidagi fikrini o'zgartirganini tushuntirishga urinib ko'rdi: "Bu urush ko'plab tayyor nazariyalar va ta'limotlarni vayron qildi va mening eng aziz antipatiyalarim uning ta'siriga berilib ketdi. Men 178 tengdoshlari Mulk endi xaki bo'lib, dushman mamlakat bilan jang qilmoqda. " (44)
1915 yilda Greyson Avstraliya va Yangi Zelandiyaga safar qildi, u erda harbiy xizmatga chaqirildi. "Nafaqat uning muddatli harbiy xizmatga bo'lgan qarashlari yoqmadi, balki uning nutqlari spirtli ichimliklar bilan to'lib ketishi mumkin edi va moliyaviy aldanish haqida da'volar bor edi". (45) U urushga qarshi harakat tomonidan hukumat manbalari tomonidan bu chiqishlari uchun yaxshi maosh olayotgani uchun qoralandi. "(46)
1916 yil noyabr oyida u Yangi Zelandiya armiyasiga qabul qilindi. U o'z qarorida shunday tushuntirdi: "Ish haqi yaxshi va yaxshi jangga kirish imkoniyati juda zo'r. Men sotsialistman va yaxshi mantiq va yorqin ruhga ega jangchi formasini kiyaman. Men urushdan nafratlanaman. Men o'ldirishdan nafratlanaman, lekin agar men dunyodagi jinni itning vassallaridan birini hisoblasam, men dunyoni tiklash uchun qo'limdan kelganini qilgan bo'lardim. " (47)
Greyson 1917 yil sentyabr oyida Frantsiyaga keldi. U G'arbiy frontga yuborildi va 1917 yil 12 oktyabrda Passchendaele shahriga yuborildi, og'ir yaralangan va armiyadan nogiron bo'lgan. 1918 yilda uning xotini fojiali tarzda vafot etdi va ikkinchi qizini tug'di. (48)
Urushdan keyin Viktor Grayson Angliyaga qaytib keldi va u erda siyosiy faoliyatini qayta tiklashga umid qildi. Katta siyosiy partiyalarning hech qanday yordamisiz Grayson deputatlikka nomzod bo'lish imkonsiz deb topdi. Grayson Irlandiya siyosatiga katta qiziqish bilan qaradi va Irlandiyaga bir necha bor maxfiy safar qildi, u erda Maykl Kollinz bilan muzokaralar olib bordi. U Robert Blatchfordga to'la vaqtli jurnalist bo'lishni xohlayotganini va Rojer Kasement ishini tekshirayotganini aytdi. (49)
1918 yil boshida Maxsus bo'lim boshlig'i Basil Tomson o'z agentlaridan Artur Maundi Gregoridan "xavfli kommunistik inqilobchi" deb atagan Graysonni josuslik qilishni so'radi. Gregoriyga shunday deyishdi: "Biz ishonamizki, bu odamning irlandiyalik isyonchilar orasida do'stlari bo'lishi mumkin. Nima bo'lishidan qat'iy nazar, Greyson har doim muammo haqida gapiradi. U bundan chetda qololmaydi ... yoki u Sinn Feiners yoki Qizillar bilan bog'lanadi. " 1919 yilning yozida Greyson Gregorining unga josuslik qilganini bilib qoldi. U do'stiga shunday dedi: "U menga qanday josuslik qilgan bo'lsa, men ham hozir uning ustidan josuslik qilaman. Bir kuni uni mixlash uchun etarli dalillarim bo'ladi, lekin bu oson bo'lmaydi". Mish -mishlar bor edi, Greyson MI5 to'lovida. (50)
Reg Grovesning aytishicha, bu ikki kishi dushman bo'lgan. Biroq, boshqa biograf Devid Xauell, Gregori Greysonga pul to'lagan bo'lishi mumkin, deb hisoblaydi. "Grayson keyinchalik farovonlikda yashadi - bu uning oxirgi qashshoqligidan farqli o'laroq - West End kvartirasida. Uning sheriklari Maundi Gregorini ham o'z ichiga olgan ... Bu munosabatlarning ahamiyati va Graysonning daromad manbai noma'lumligicha qolmoqda." (51)
1920 yil sentyabr oyida Greyson nutq so'zlab, Buyuk Britaniya bosh vaziri Devid Lloyd Jorjni korruptsiyada aybladi. Grayson, Lloyd Jorj siyosiy mukofotlarni 10 dan 40 ming funtgacha sotayotganini da'vo qildi. Greyson shunday deb e'lon qildi: "Bu sharaf savdosi milliy janjaldir. Buni Dauning -strit 10, Uaytxolldagi ofislari bo'lgan monokled dandydan kuzatish mumkin. Men bu odamni bilaman va bir kun kelib uning ismini aytaman". Monokled dandy, aslida Lloyd Jorj nomidan sharaf sotadigan Artur Maundi Gregori edi. (52)
Bir necha kundan keyin Viktor Grayson Strandda kaltaklandi. Bu, ehtimol, Greysonni qo'rqitishga urinish edi, lekin u shon -sharaf sotish haqida gapirishda davom etdi va bu buzuq tizim ortida turgan odamning ismini aytib qo'rqitdi. 28 sentyabr kuni Greyson do'stlari bilan ichib o'tirganida, unga telefon xabar keldi. Greyson do'stlariga Lester maydonidagi Queen's Hotelga borish kerakligini va tez orada qaytib kelishini aytdi. (53)
O'sha kuni kechqurun Jorj Jekson Flemvell Temza rasmini chizayotgan edi, u Graysonni daryo bo'yidagi uyga kirayotganini ko'rdi. Flemvell Greysonni urushdan oldin portretini chizgani kabi bilar edi. Flemvell bu vaqtning ahamiyatini tushunmadi, chunki Greyson yo'qolgani haqida bir necha oydan keyin xabar berishdi. 1960 -yillarda o'tkazilgan tergov natijasida Grayson kirgan uy Artur Maundi Gregoriga tegishli ekanligi aniqlandi. (54)
Viktor Greysonni hech qachon tirik ko'rmagan. Taxminlarga ko'ra, u o'ldirilgan, ammo jasadi topilmadi. Grayson vafotidan keyin Artur Maundi Gregori keyingi o'n ikki yil davomida mukofot sotishni davom ettirdi. 1932 yilda Gregori ritsarlik unvonini leytenant Edvard Billyard-Likka sotmoqchi bo'ldi. U o'zini qiziqtirganday qilib ko'rsatdi va keyin Skotlend -Yard haqida xabar berdi. Gregori hibsga olindi, lekin u buni o'z foydasiga o'zgartirdi, chunki u hozir sudda nomini aytmaslik evaziga taniqli odamlarni pul to'lashga shantaj qila oldi. Gregori aybidan mamnun edi va shuning uchun sudda o'z faoliyati to'g'risida dalil keltirmadi. Gregori ikki oylik qamoq jazosiga hukm qilindi va 50 funt sterling miqdorida jarimaga tortildi. Qamoqdan chiqqach, Gregorini Parijda yashashga ko'ndirishdi, unga Konservativ partiya tomonidan yiliga 2000 funt sterling pensiya to'landi. (55)
Mustaqil mehnat partiyasi
The Mustaqil mehnat partiyasi (ILP)-ingliz chap partiyasining siyosiy partiyasi, 1893 yilda tashkil etilgan, liberallar ko'pchilik manfaatlarini ifoda etuvchi ishchi sinf nomzodlarini qo'llab-quvvatlashdan bosh tortgan. Mustaqil deputat va taniqli kasaba uyushmasi tashkilotchisi Keir Hardie uning birinchi raisi bo'ldi.
Partiya 1900 yilda tashkil topgan va tez orada Mehnat partiyasi deb nomlangan va ILP 1906 yildan 1932 yilgacha unga a'zo bo'lgan Ramsay MakDonaldsning Mehnat vakolatxonasi qo'mitasining chap tomonida joylashgan edi. 1947 yilda tashkilotning uchta parlament vakili Leyboristlar partiyasiga qo'shildi. Partiya va tashkilot 1975 yilda Mustaqil Mehnat nashrlari sifatida Mehnatga qo'shildi.
Britaniya koloniyasi Virjiniya shtatidagi taranglik 1775 yil aprelda, taxminan, Amerikaning inqilobiy urushi Massachusets ko'rfazida Leksington va Konkord janglari boshlangan paytda ko'tarildi. Jon Murray, Virjiniya qirollik gubernatori, Dunmorning 4 -chi grafi, mustamlakachilar qonun chiqaruvchi majlisi - Burgesslar uyini tarqatib yubordi, keyinchalik Virjiniya konvensiyalarida vaqtinchalik yig'ilish tuzdi. Burgesslar mavjud va yangi ko'tarilgan militsionerlarga qurollanishiga ruxsat berdi, bu esa koloniyaning harbiy ta'minotini nazorat qilish uchun kurashga olib keldi. Lord Dunmorning buyrug'i bilan ingliz qo'shinlari Uilyamsburg poytaxtidagi mustamlakachilar omboridan poroxni olib tashlashdi, bu esa qirollik va militsiya kuchlari o'rtasida qarama -qarshilikka olib keldi.  Voqea zo'ravonliksiz hal qilingan bo'lsa -da, Dunmore shaxsiy xavfsizligidan qo'rqib, 1775 yil iyun oyida Uilyamsburgni tark etib, oilasini Qirollik dengiz floti kemasiga joylashtirdi.  Keyin inglizlarning kichik floti Norfolkda, savdogarlari sodiqlik (Tory) tendentsiyalariga ega bo'lgan port shaharchasida shakllandi. Britaniya floti xavfi shaharda Whig faolligini kamaytirishda ham rol o'ynagan bo'lishi mumkin. 
Voqealar bir tomonda isyonchilar va boshqa tarafdorlar (Tory) o'rtasida oktyabrgacha davom etdi, o'shanda Dunmor isyonkor mustamlakachilarga qarshi operatsiyalarni boshlash uchun etarli darajada harbiy yordam olgan edi. Buyuk Britaniyaning Shimoliy Amerika bosh qo'mondoni general Tomas Geyj Dunmorning harbiy yordam so'raganiga javoban Virjiniyaga 14-oyoq polkining kichik bo'linmalarini buyurdi. Bu qo'shinlar 12 -oktabrda isyonchilarni harbiy ta'minot uchun atrofdagi tumanlarga bostirib kira boshladilar. Bu faoliyat oktyabr oyining oxirigacha davom etdi, inglizlarning kichik bir kemasi Gampton yaqinidagi jang paytida isyonchilar tomonidan qo'lga olindi. Shahar aholisini jazolash uchun yuborilgan dengiz kemalari qisqa muddatli otishmada mustamlakachilar tomonidan qaytarildi, natijada bir necha dengizchilar o'ldirildi va qo'lga olindi.  Dunmor bu voqeaga 7 noyabrda e'lon qilib, harbiy holat e'lon qildi va Virjiniyada Britaniya armiyasida xizmat qilishga tayyor kolonist qullarni ozod qilishni taklif qildi. Bu e'lon qurolli sobiq qullar g'oyasi va ularning mol -mulkini yo'qotishi mumkinligidan xavotirda bo'lgan isyonkor va sodiq qul egalarini tashvishga soldi.  Shunga qaramay, Dunmor Efiopiya polkini tuzish uchun etarlicha qullarni yollay oldi, shuningdek, qirolicha o'zining sodiq Virjiniya polki (keyinchalik 1776 yilda Qirolicha Reynjersiga qo'shildi) deb nomlangan Tori kompaniyasini yig'di. Bu mahalliy kuchlar 14 -oyoqning ikkita kompaniyasini va dengiz kuchlaridan tashqari, koloniyada Britaniyaning yagona harbiy qo'shinini to'ldirdi.  Ishga qabul qilishning muvaffaqiyatli natijasi Dunmorni 1775 yil 30 -noyabrda u tez orada "o'z majburiyatlarini to'g'ri his qilish uchun bu koloniyani kamaytirishi" haqida yozishga undadi. 
Lord Dunmor Norfolkga etib kelganida, Buyuk ko'prik qishlog'ida, Norfolkdan 14 kilometr narida, Elizabet daryosi orqali o'tadigan ko'prikni mustahkamlashni buyurdi. Ko'prik tabiiy himoya punktini tashkil etdi, chunki u Norfolkdan Shimoliy Karolinagacha janubga olib boradigan yagona yo'lda edi, u ikki tomondan Buyuk Dismal botqoq bilan chegaradosh edi va ikkala tomondan ko'prikka kirish tor yo'llar orqali edi. Dunmor 14 -oyoqning 25 kishini ko'prikka yubordi va u erda ko'prikning Norfolk tomonida Fort Myurrey deb nomlangan kichik qal'a qurdilar.  Shuningdek, ular ko'prikdan o'tishni qiyinlashtirishi uchun taxtalarni olib tashlashdi. Qal'a ikkita to'p va bir nechta kichik aylanadigan qurol bilan qurollangan edi. 14 -chi odamlarni Efiopiya va Qirolicha o'z polklarining kichik kompaniyalari kuchaytirdi, bu esa garnizon sonini 40-80 kishiga etkazdi. 
Dunmorning e'loniga javoban, Virjiniya assambleyasi o'z qo'shinlariga Norfolkga yurishni buyurdi. 2 -Virjiniya polkini boshqargan polkovnik Uilyam Vudford 400 polk va 100 ga yaqin Culpeper Minutemen polkovniklari bilan ko'prik tomon yo'l oldi. 2 -dekabr kuni ular ko'prikka etib kelishdi va Britaniya qal'asidan ko'prik bo'ylab lager qurdilar. Bu erga kelganda, inglizlar olov maydonini ta'minlash uchun qal'a yaqinidagi binolarni vayron qilishga kirishdilar. Vudford dastlab inglizlarning pozitsiyasiga hujum qilishni xohlamay, garnizon kuchini haddan tashqari saxiy bahosini yengish uchun etarli qurolga ega emas deb o'ylardi.  Shuning uchun u o'z mavqeini mustahkamlay boshladi, atrofdagi tumanlardan va Shimoliy Karolinadan militsionerlar tobora ko'payib bordi. Oxir -oqibat, ba'zi to'plar Shimoliy Karolinadagi erkaklar guruhi bilan kelishdi, lekin ular armaturalar va aravalar yo'qligi sababli foydasiz edi. Vudford, shuningdek, ko'p sonli Shotlandiya tog'li aholisi Dunmor kuchlariga qo'shilgani haqidagi mish -mishlarni eshitib, xavotirga tushdi. Bu mish -mishlar qisman rost edi: tog'liklar aslida 120 ta oila edi, lekin kamdan -kam odam qurol -yarog'li edi.  8 dekabrga kelib, militsiya lageridagi kuchlar 900 ga yaqinlashdi, 700 dan ortig'i xizmatga yaroqli edi. 
Dunmor mustamlakachi militsiya to'plarga ega bo'lganini bildi, lekin ular ishlamay qolganini bilmasdi. Concerned for the safety of the garrison, he decided an attack on their position was necessary. His plan called for a diversionary attack by the Ethiopian companies of the garrison at a spot downriver from the bridge to draw the militia's attention, while the garrison, reinforced by additional troops from Norfolk, would attack across the bridge in the early morning light. 
Dunmore's best intelligence had informed him that the rebel forces numbered about 400. On the night and morning of December 8 and 9 Captain Samuel Leslie led reinforcements down to Fort Murray, arriving around 3:00 am. Upon his arrival he learned that the Ethiopian detachment intended for the diversion was not in the fort. They had been dispatched on a routine deployment to another nearby crossing, and Dunmore had failed to send orders ensuring their availability for the operation. Leslie decided to proceed with the attack anyway.  After resting his troops until a little before dawn, he sent men out to replace the bridge planking. Once this was finished, Captain Charles Fordyce led a company of 60 grenadiers across the bridge. They briefly skirmished with militia sentries, raising the alarm in the camp beyond the entrenchments. Fordyce's men were then joined by a company of navy gunners who had been brought along to operate the field artillery for the attack, while the Tory companies arrayed themselves on the Norfolk side of the bridge. 
The militia leadership in the camp at first thought the early skirmishing was a typical morning salute, and paid it little heed. Shortly after reveille, the severity of the alarm became apparent. While the camp mobilized, a militia company numbering about sixty prepared for the British advance behind the earthworks. They carefully withheld fire until the grenadiers, advancing with bayonets fixed, were within 50 yards (46 m), and then unleashed a torrent of fire on the British column. Fordyce, leading the column, went down in a hail of musket fire just steps from the earthworks along with many of the men in the front ranks. The British advance dissolved as the militia musket fire continued about half of Fordyce's force was killed, and many were injured. The navy gunners provided covering fire as they retreated back across the bridge, but their small cannons made no impression on the earthworks. 
—a British officer describing the situation 
Colonel Woodford had by this time organized the forces in the rebel camp, and they marched out to face the British. After an inconsequential exchange of musket fire at long range, Woodford sent the riflemen of the Culpeper Minutemen off to the left. From this position the riflemen, whose weapons had a much longer range than muskets, began to fire on the British position on the far side of the bridge. The navy gunners, with the only weapons the British had available to contest the riflemen at that range, were now out of position, and were also being threatened by the large militia force approaching the earthworks. They spiked their guns and retreated across the bridge, and Captain Leslie ordered his men to retreat into Fort Murray.  In some 25 minutes, Dunmore's attempt to stop the rebel buildup near Norfolk had been emphatically turned back. 
Following a truce to permit the British to remove their dead and wounded, the Tory forces sneaked out in the night to return to Norfolk. Captain Fordyce was buried with full military honors by the rebels near the site of the battle. Casualty estimates ranged from Dunmore's official report of 62 killed or wounded to an escaped patriot's report that the British losses totaled 102, excluding militia casualties.  The only claimed rebel casualty was one man with a slight wound to the thumb.  Colonel William Woodford, reporting on the 2nd Virginia Regiment's service at the battle, wrote in a letter published in Purdie's Virginia Gazette, December 15, 1775: "This was a second Bunker's Hill affair, in miniature with this difference, that we kept our post, and had only one man wounded in the hand." 
The Virginia militia forces were then reinforced by the arrival of troops from North Carolina under Colonel Robert Howe. Dunmore blamed Leslie for his decision to attack without the accompanying diversion, although the outcome of the battle may not have been different even with the diversion, given the disparity in force sizes.  In the following days, Dunmore and his Tory supporters took refuge on ships of the Royal Navy, and Norfolk was occupied by the victorious rebel forces.  The danger Dunmore posed to the rebel cause, however, had not been eliminated. General George Washington, commander-in-chief of the Continental Army and a Virginian who knew Dunmore well, wrote a letter to Charles Lee in late December, warning of continued danger despite Dunmore's flight to the navy. He told Lee that "if that Man is not crushed before Spring, he will become the most formidable Enemy America has", and that "nothing less than depriving him of life or liberty will secure peace to Virginia." 
After a series of escalations over the rebel's refusal to allow provisions to be delivered to the overcrowded vessels, Dunmore and Commodore Henry Pellow decided to bombard the town.  On January 1, 1776, Norfolk was destroyed in action begun by Royal Navy ships and their landing parties, but completed by rebel troops that continued to loot and burn the former Tory stronghold. 
Lord Dunmore occupied Portsmouth in February 1776, and used it as a base for raiding operations until late March, when General Charles Lee successfully forced him back to the fleet. After further raiding operations in the Chesapeake, Dunmore and the British fleet left for New York City in August 1776. Dunmore never returned to Virginia. 
A highway marker was placed by the state of Virginia in 1934 near the battle site.  In response to construction threats to the battlefield, local citizens organized in 1999 to preserve the area. 
A Tale of Two Libraries - an exchange between the Portico and Working Class Movement Libraries
We held a joint event with the Portico Library on 9 June 2021 as part of Manchester's inaugural Festival of Libraries, co-ordinated by Manchester City of Literature. Find out what happened when staff from these two institutions swapped places and got a chance to dig around and find connections between these two.
Paul Salveson talk 'Will yo' come o' Sunday Mornin'? - the 1896 Battle for Winter Hill'
Our autumn season of free Invisible Histories talks starts with a celebration of the 125th anniversary of 'the original Mass Trespass', which mobilised thousands of Boltonians over three weeks in September 1896. More details to follow. We hope to run this talk both online and in person - watch.
Harry Taylor talk 'Victor Grayson: a reappraisal of the life and politics of Britain's lost revolutionary'
Harry will talk about his decade researching the life and politics of Victor Grayson - most often remembered for winning a remarkable by-election at Colne Valley in 1907, and for his still unexplained disappearance in 1920 - and describe how much of the accepted narrative about Grayson was invented.
Online talk by Uthra Rajgopal 'Jayaben Desai: the sari-clad lion'
Jayaben Desai was a vocal and highly visible political leader of the Grunwick strike in the 1970s. Fearlessly campaigning for the rights of immigrant workers, Mrs Desai was often seen at the front of the picket line, always dressed in a sari. For many South Asians who arrived in the UK at.
Online talk by Frank Palmeri 'Thomas Spence: satirist, utopian, socialist'
Thomas Spence has been recognised as the most important socialist thinker of the 1790s. He was also a strong satirist of aristocracy and of land-holders generally. This talk will consider Spence as a satirist and utopian writer, and will conclude by considering parallels between the thought and writing of.
St Helens – Lucem House Cinema
I wasn’t looking for the former Unitarian Church in St Helens but stumbled across it by accident. I was glad I did because whilst it is always a shame when any church closes (and this congregation came to an end in 1998) old church buildings can sometimes be utilised in ways that are imaginative, in keeping with the original purpose and bring some social advantage to the community. All this is certainly the case with St Helens, a solid and utilitarian building that is now a cinema.
As I walked past my eye caught the inscription above the door proclaiming it to be the Unitarian and Free Christian Church, although it is many years since this was actually the case. In fact there are more reminders of the original function of the building despite it being well converted to other purposes. On the front wall the foundation stone is very prominent, recording the role of Anne Holt my distinguished predecessor as editor of the Transactions of the Unitarian Historical Society – a highly regarded historian and member of the famous Liverpool ship owning family – who had inaugurated the building in 1949. Inside there is another tablet which commemorates the opening of the church in 1950 under the presidency of Elizabeth Ann Fryer.
The sanctuary was not large but the group of buildings were varied and clearly adapted to a number of uses. Nowadays the building is a cinema, named Lucem House, a volunteer-led social enterprise. It takes its name from the motto of the borough of St Helens, Ex Terra Lucem – ‘Out of Earth – Light’ (so I was told by Paul Jones the operations manager of the cinema) and the church itself has been nicely turned into a small cinema auditorium. In the foyer they have created an attractive box office and the whole place has a pleasant ambience.
Paul told me that the cinema has been in operation for over three years, the building also being let out for functions and used by a local photography club. They have a screening every week and the day I was there were looking forward to A Night to Remember starring Kenneth More. Paul Jones is an expert on the Titanik (another item of history with notable Unitarian connections) and this film certainly reflects his interests. The film was to be followed by a poetry reading by Len Saunders, the head steward and a poet and actor who has been known – so I was told – to dress up on suitable Titanik related occasions as Captain Smith or Lord Pirrie. He wasn’t in character that day but shared with me some of his poems.
The Unitarian Heritage (published in 1986) says the congregation was founded in 1901 and the original chapel built in 1904. I can’t locate any images of the original building but it was destroyed during the blitz of 1941 and apparently rebuilt on the same site after the war. Now, after a period of neglect, the buildings have been well restored and well adapted to another imaginative use.
St Helens Unitarian Church – now Lucem House
Paul Jones in the box office
I was very shocked and saddened to read that Len Saunders was the victim of a violent unprovoked assault in July which tragically resulted in his death at the end of the month. There are details and tributes to him in the local paper:
There is a crowdfunding page set up to raise money to provide step free access to Lucem House Cinema in Len Saunders’ memory. The page can be accessed here:
Battle of Manila Bay: May 1, 1898
On April 30, Dewey’s lookouts caught sight of Luzon, the main Philippine island. That night, under cover of darkness and with the lights aboard the U.S. warships extinguished, the squadron slipped by the defensive guns of Corregidor Island and into Manila Bay.
After dawn, the Americans located the Spanish fleet, a group of out-of-date warships anchored off the Cavite naval station. The U.S. fleet, in comparison, was well-armed and well-staffed, largely due to the efforts of the energetic assistant secretary of the Navy, Theodore Roosevelt (1858-1919), who had also selected Dewey for the command of the Asiatic squadron.
At around 5:40 a.m., Dewey turned to the captain of his flagship, the Olympia, and said, “You may fire when ready, Gridley.” Two hours later, the Spanish fleet was decimated, and Dewey ordered a pause in the fighting. He met with his captains and ordered the crews a second breakfast. The surviving Spanish vessels, trapped in the little harbor at Cavite, refused to surrender, and late that morning fighting resumed. Early that afternoon, a signal was sent from the gunboat USS Petrel to Dewey’s flagship announcing that the enemy has surrendered.
Spanish losses were estimated at more than 370 troops, while American casualties were fewer than 10.
As Marx and Engels had foreseen, the ending of Britain’s industrial monopoly had enormous ramifications and ushered in a new convulsive period for the working class. But, while on the Continent mass Marxist social democratic parties had taken hold, the existence of a mass workers’ party in Britain remained allusive. The potential certainly existed. However, what was lacking, according to Engels, were the forces capable of welding this potential together: “The mass instinct that the workers must form a party of their own,” he wrote just over a year before his death, “against the two official parties is getting stronger and stronger: again showed itself more than ever in the municipal elections of 1 November. But the old traditional memories of various kinds, and the lack of people able to turn this instinct into conscious action and to rally it together all over the country [was the key issue]. ” If it were possible to gather together “a kernel of people who have good theoretical understanding, much will be gained for a genuine mass movement.”
Although there was a small nucleus of capable people around Engels, after his death in 1895, this circle proved too weak to influence events. Tragically, within three years, the wreckage of Eleanor Marx’s personal life led to her suicide. Edward Aveling did not survive long after. This calamity eliminated the key personnel of the original Marxist circle in Britain. The working class, nevertheless, was pushed by events towards the creation of a mass party of labour, but unfortunately not with a leadership based upon class struggle and socialism, but based upon the worst kind of opportunism. The revolutionary socialists around the SDF, who could have provided revolutionary yeast to the workers’ party, tragically remained in splendid isolation from the real movement.
In these years, a series of lockouts and battles characterised the British industrial climate. Within a year of the formation of the Gasworkers’ union in London, the employers, at a cost of £100,000, smashed the union and abolished the eight-hour day. The ship owners also staged a series of lockouts in London, Cardiff and Hull. There was a general lockout of the Miners’ Federation over wage cuts in 1893. Three years later, the Employers’ Federation of Engineering Associations was formed “to protect and defend the interests of the employers against combinations of workmen.”
Yet even these harsh attacks were overshadowed by the employers’ determined use of legal means to cripple the trade unions. Despite the various legal guarantees for unions contained in the 1871 and 1875 Acts, new judgments were made by the capitalist courts throughout the 1890s that sought to challenge the right of peaceful picketing and the union’s protection from liability for damages. The formation of the new general employers’ organisation, the Employers Parliamentary Council, which agitated for legal action against the unions, served to push the reluctant TUC further down the road of political involvement. Out of these apparently accidental developments was expressed an inner necessity for independent working class political representation. It was a natural evolution, despite all the twists and turns of the class struggle.
Destruction of the Spanish fleet
On the evening of April 30, Dewey passed into the Boca Grande, a wide channel into Manila Bay that was less used than the Boca Chica, the main shipping corridor that ran north of Corregidor Island. This allowed him to avoid the Spanish batteries on Corregidor that oversaw Boca Chica. Dewey addressed concerns about mines in the channel by leading the advance in the USS Olympia, and at midnight he passed El Fraile, a small fortified island, from which two shots were fired at him. He was also shelled by the the batteries at Cavite.
When Dewey sighted the Spanish fleet to the south, he ordered his supply ships and the USS Hugh McCulloch out into the bay and advanced in column with the USS Olympia, USS Baltimor, USS Rali, USS Petrel, USS Konkord, and USS Boston at 400-yard (366-metre) intervals. About 5:40 am , when he was within 5,500 yards (roughly 5,000 metres) of the Spanish force, Dewey issued a command to Capt. Charles Gridley of the USS Olympia: “You may fire when you are ready, Gridley.”
The American ships made repeated east-to-west passes along the Spanish line, unloading their port batteries and gradually decreasing their distance to 2,000 yards (1,829 metres). At 7:00 am the Spanish flagship attempted to come out and engage at short range, but it was driven back by the American fire. The Spanish squadron was now in very bad condition, but the seriousness of its plight was not fully known to the American commander. At 7:35 am Dewey withdrew, gave his men breakfast, and had a consultation of commanding officers. Before he re-engaged at 11:16 am the Reina Kristina va Kastilya had broken into flames. Thus, the remainder of the action consisted of silencing the shore batteries at Cavite and completing the destruction and demoralization of the smaller Spanish ships, a task that passed to the USS Petrel. Dewey took possession of Cavite, paroled its garrison, and awaited the arrival of a land force to capture Manila.
History of the Labour Party - Taff Vale, the unions and Labour
Labour's links with the trade unions are being called into question. The Labour leadership increasingly feel that the trade union links can be broken, in terms of ending the block vote, the sponsorship broken, in terms of ending the block vote, the sponsorship of MPs and election of National Executive Committee places. Blair's supporters hope that a Labour Government will legislate for state aid to political parties, using the 'sleaze factor' as a pretext.
An incoming Labour government is not committed to repeal most of the Tories anti-union legislation which has made strikes more difficult than anywhere else in Europe. They are not prepared to legislate to guarantee the right to strike as in most other European countries. Blair and Blunkett intervened in the post office dispute, on the employers' side by calling for reballoting of the membership. This will have alienated post office workers from the Labour Party, precisely the people whose votes are needed if Labour is to win the next election.
The Labour leadership has not condemned some of the more recent proposals of the Tories to limit trade union rights. They have even hinted at being in favour of compulsory arbitration in public sector disputes - something that even the Tories have not pursued. It is not surprising therefore that some of the unions are rumoured to be reconsidering that even the Tories have not pursued. It is not surprising therefore that some of the unions are rumoured to be reconsidering their political commitment to the Party.
But breaking the links would be a disaster both for the Labour Party and the trade unions. The Labour Party owes its existence to the trade unions. In turn the trade unions need political representation to deliver legislation in favour of the working class.
This has come at a time when the government is on the verge of publishing a Green Paper which would effectively push the trade unions back to the beginning of the century. Iain Lang, secretary of state for Trade and Industry, favours removing the immunity of trade unions from being sued for damages during an industrial dispute in a 'public monopoly service'. He claims that the public were held to ransom over the summer by the tube and post office workers. Now the customers and businesses must have the right to sue for damages for losses incurred in such disputes. This would make the unions open to crippling damage claims and would effectively make strikes impossible in the public services.
In 1901 the Taff Vale Company sued the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants for damages incurred during an otherwise successful dispute. The House of Lords upheld this decision and the union was ordered to pay £23,000 in damages. This prosecution followed a decade of attacks on trade union rights. The newly formed unions for the unskilled workers had suffered loss of membership due to unemployment. Employers recruited the unemployed, including criminal gangs to break strikes, and a whole series of court decisions deprived the unions of the right to a closed shop and to refuse to deal with non-union firms.
The Tory press launched a tirade against the unions, calling them 'our national mafia' and called upon the state to protect the public from 'working class tyranny'.
The Taff Vale case had an immediate impact on the newly formed Labour Representation Committee. It was essential for the unions that legislation be put through Parliament to reverse this judgement and guarantee unions immunity during an industrial dispute. The lack of trade union support for the LRC changed. In 1900 it had less than half the trade union movement affiliated. Key unions like the Miners Federation saw the implications of Taff Vale for themselves and switched to Labour from supporting the Liberals. Within two years the affiliated membership of the LRC had doubled from 455,450 to 861,200. By 1906 now called the Labour Party it was over 900,000 strong and had returned 29 MPs to Parliament. These 29 MPs were able to exercise pressure upon the Liberal Government to pass the Trades Disputes Act of 1906. The behaviour of one employer had been sufficient to cement the links between the trade unions and the Labour Party. The ruling class now had to face a labour movement which was going from strength to strength and able to exercise influence in Parliament as well as on the industrial front. The years of the Liberal Government saw increasing industrial militancy with disputes in all the major industries such as mining, the docks and the railways. A triple alliance was forged between the unions of the three main industries. Amalgamation Committees were set up and the number of trade unionists increased. Increasingly trade union militants were being pulled towards revolutionary ideas such as syndicalism and workers control. Suffragettes and Irish nationalists took direct action to achieve their aims. It was these years which saw 'the strange death of Liberal England'.
There were also changes afoot in the Labour Party itself. The Labour Party became more representative of the trade union movement and of the working class as a whole. In its early years trade unionists had represented a minority, the best organised section of the working class. Inevitably these were the skilled workers, those who could sustain employment and a bargaining position throughout the years of slump. During World War 1 engineering workers took action against dilution of industry, and lowering of wages. This was the process whereby women workers were recruited to work in the munition plants at lower wages. However skilled workers were to play a key role in the organisation of the unskilled, if only for their own protection. Today some people say that the unions now represent some of the best paid and most secure workers. Workers on short term contracts and part timers are under represented. However that could be said, at one time, of the dockers yet were a casual workforce at the beginning of the century. Trade union membership has been subject to fluctuation. At the beginning of the century British capitalism was beginning to break down craft barriers which provided the basis for a more homogeneous working class, throughout 20th century. This process has been reversed in the 1980s with employers resorting to Japanese (and Victorian) practices of 'core' and 'peripheral labour'-the equivalent of the Victorian skilled and casual labour.
The growth of trade union affiliation to the Labour Party was accompanied by a rebellion against pacts with other political parties, such as the Liberals in Parliament. In 1907 the Conference called for control of the Parliamentary Labour Party by the annual conference. The limits of parliamentary action were seen. The 29 Labour MPs had secured the Trades Disputes Act and an 8 hour day for the mines, but this had not prevented evasive action by the mineowners or the decline in real wages between 1900-1909. Trade unionists had looked to the Labour Party to resolve their problems with legal restrictions. They now saw the limits of action in Parliament. The same process has been seen many times in the history of the labour movement and will be repeated again if disillusionment sets in under a government led by Tony Blair. At the present time trade union leaders are loyal to Labour because they want an end to the repressive regime of the Tories. But once a Labour Government is installed, members will want to see a reverse of the cuts inflicted over the past fifteen years.
The Labour Party's commitment to socialism was raised each year by Marxists who were active in the Party. Members of the Social Democratic Federation were active in the Party and moved resolutions, although the SDF itself had ceased affiliation, to the Labour Party. One independent socialist, Victor Grayson, was also elected to Parliament for Colne Valley as a protest against the class collaborationist policies of some of the Labour MPs. In 1908 the following resolution was passed: "…that in the opinion of this Conference, the time has arrived when the Labour Party should have as a definite object, the socialisation of the means of production, distribution and exchange, to be controlled by a democratic state in the interest of the entire community, and the complete emancipation of labour from the domination of capitalism, and landlordism, with the establishment of social and economic equality between the sexes."
The resolution which predated the formal adoption of Clause 4, part 4, was carried by 514,000 to 469,000 votes. The mover of the resolution said that he spoke from his experiences as a trade unionist. His union, the Engineering Society, had existed for 56 years but its aspirations had not been realised. There was unemployment in the engineering community and a standard of living far short of that 'which our forefathers desired.' This could only be due to the 'private ownership of the means of life'. His union had long accepted the limits of trade unionism and it was written in the rulebook that they would promote the interests of workers only until 'some more general principle of operation could be guaranteed in society, guaranteeing to every man, the full enjoyment of his labour.' With this resolution the link was forged between trade unionism and socialism. The roots of socialism in the Labour Party were there from the outset. This was regretted by the quasi-Liberals. It was also not understood by some of the Marxists in the SDF who were setting themselves up against the Labour Party on the grounds that 'it was not a socialist party.' Inevitably the struggles which took place led workers to draw socialist conclusions and that was reflected in the Labour Party itself. Keir Hardie claimed that it was the Labour Party rank and file which practised the marxian policy of class struggle, whilst its critics reduced Marx's historic formulae to a set of meaningless phrases.
The lessons for today are clear. The events of the last few years are the result of the defeats which the labour movement has suffered since 1979 - they will be reversed. The alternative of building a new party is not an option.
In 1909 another attack on the labour movement was launched in the form of the Osborne Judgement. This was a ruling upheld by the House of Lords that the unions could not use their funds to finance political causes. This meant that they could no longer fund Labour MPs. The judgement was reversed by the Trades Union Act of 1913. But the funding of Labour by the unions was to come under attack again after the defeat of the general strike of 1926. An act of 1927 made trade unionists contract in, rather than contract out to pay a political levy to Labour.
The ruling class in Britain have been eager to break the links between Labour and the unions. They cannot tolerate the second main political party being in the pay of the trade union movement. This has clearly marked Labour as a class party. The Tories of course obtain millions from big business, including increasingly sources from abroad. They would like a safe second party of capitalism, like the Democrats in the USA who could take over when the Tories were discredited. Blair would be keen to oblige them.
In the 1950s and 1960s trade union leaders stitched up Labour Party conference votes with the block votes. No criticisms were made of lack of democracy and accountability in those days. Even in the 1970s when the Labour Party moved to the Left the trade were a 'moderating' influence compared to the left wing constituency activists who were directly elected. At other times of crisis though, such as in 1931, the TUC stood against the harsh programme of cuts in wages and unemployment benefit demanded by the international bankers after the crash of Wall Street. The threatened run on the pound led the bankers to insist that the Labour Chancellor of the Exchequer balance the books to ensure that Britain stayed on the gold standard. Although a majority of the Labour Cabinet had been prepared to make these cuts there was no way that they would have been endorsed by the labour movement. The prime minister, Ramsay Macdonald, resigned and a national government was formed. Could it be that today the sort of programme the European bankers may want from a Labour Government, in order to take Britain into a single European currency would prove to be unacceptable even to the most right-wing trade union leader? At the end of the day trade unions exist to defend the living standards of their members, and there are limits to how far trade union leaders can depart from this.
The campaign to maintain the trade union links with the Labour Party and the campaign to 'Keep the Party Labour' will receive support from activists in the movement, young and old, both on the left and the right of the party. The infiltrators from the 'Millbank Tendency' have nothing in common with these traditions. They will be here today and gone tomorrow when the Blair experiment inevitably backfires.
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